7A: Review the evidence for the growth of industrial employment and the impact of industrialisation upon the social fabric of established communities <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d5dc188acb2<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.3 – Can we identify more closely the sources of migrant workers and their social and economic status?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Research into the development of Derwent Valley communities has focused traditionally upon the 18th and 19th century cotton-workers\u2019 communities that form key elements of the cultural heritage of the World Heritage Site. Conversely, significantly less emphasis has been placed on the impact upon post-medieval and later settlement of other important local industries \u2013 <\/span>such as lead mining and ore-processing,1<\/sup> the iron, stone quarrying and timber industries,2<\/sup> and long-established manufacturing activities such as nail-making.3<\/sup> This imbalance in knowledge contrasts with the neighbouring Peak District, where significantly more research has been conducted on agricultural and mining settlements and on landscapes impacted by extractive industries.4<\/sup> Understanding of settlement development in the Valley and the social, economic and political interactions of community members is consequently biased strongly towards the industrial settlements that were constructed to accommodate and control the factory workers and their families, with significantly less emphasis upon the wider industrial framework.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nFuture research needs to redress this imbalance in knowledge, with more studies along the lines of a recent project by Jurecki <\/b>that focused upon the socio-cultural, economic and political interactions between established agricultural and mining communities around Cromford and Belper during the early post-medieval period.5<\/sup><\/b> In particular, further light needs to be shed upon the demographic changes that occurred within agricultural or mining communities and other settlements with an established industrial base as the factory system developed, with consideration of changes in community structure, land ownership and tenure arrangements, and the impacts of community movement. Consideration should be given to the evidence for social and political frictions between established and incoming communities: at Belper, for example, between immigrant mill workers and local nailmakers or between established groups and navvies brought in to work on railway, canal and other infrastructure projects.6<\/sup> It would be worth highlighting too the difficulties of moving from one working sphere to another: nailmakers, for example, protected their industry fiercely and viewed outsiders with suspicion. To achieve these aims, research needs to be coordinated and systematic, with consideration not only of documentary sources but also of built environment and archaeological evidence. This should help to answer wider questions and elucidate further how established Derwent Valley communities developed as industrialisation progressed.<\/span><\/p>\nSuzanne Lilley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/24\/2021\/12\/SO_7A_Fig-4.36_Belper_nailshop_DSCF4405-300x225.jpg\")
<\/p>\n
Fig.4.36. 8 Joseph Street, Belper: a rare survival of the nailshops that would once have been familiar features of the townscape. This building dates from the early 19th century, and was constructed of coursed gritstone with tile roof, brick chimney and cast iron windows (photograph \u00a9 David Knight)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/b><\/p>\n1<\/span><\/sup><\/b> With the notable exceptions of: Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society; Crossley, D and Kiernan, D 1992 \u2018The lead-smelting mills of Derbyshire\u2019. DAJ <\/i>102<\/b>, 6\u201347 <\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Riden, P 2015 \u2018The Industrial Revolution and the Derwent Valley\u2019 in <\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution: Cromford, the Derwent Valley and the Wider World.<\/i> Cromford: Arkwright Society, 113\u201315<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Giles, J, Power, G and Smith, M 1999 An Illustrated History of Belper and its Environs<\/i>. Belper: Morris, 25\u201327 <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n4<\/span><\/sup><\/b> Eg Barnatt, J and Penny, R 2004 The Lead Legacy<\/span><\/i>. Bakewell: PDNPA; Ford, T D and Rieuwerts, J H 2000 Lead Mining in the Peak District<\/i>, 4 edn. Asbourne: Landmark; Willies, L and Parker, H 1999 Peak District Mining and Quarrying<\/i>. Stroud: Tempus<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Jurecki, K 2008 \u2018Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site landscape project: Cromford and Belper survey Transects\u2019. Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Sheffield. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Giles et al <\/i>1999, 27, 53<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Documentary research<\/a>, <\/span>Industry<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary archive research<\/a>, <\/span>Economy<\/a>, <\/span>Community<\/a>, <\/span>Demography<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary evidence<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>7B: Review the evidence for labour migration and changes in working patterns as the factory system developed <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d5dd6e567a9<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.10 – What impact did the spiralling food demands of a growing industrial population have upon the agrarian economy, workforce and infrastructure (including seasonal patterns of employment and the development of the Strutt family\u0092s model farms)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Prior to the Industrial Revolution, from the 16th to early 18th century, documentary sources indicate that most workers in key Derbyshire industries, such as lead mining or smelting, would have been born locally.1<\/sup> <\/span><\/sup>However, with the growth of water-powered factories from the 18th century onwards, especially at sites away from major centres of population, demands for labour with appropriate craft or mechanical skills and for unskilled workers to mind machines increasingly outstripped supply \u2013 as illustrated by the constant advertisements of Arkwright and Strutt for factory labour (Fig. 4.20).2<\/sup> <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nMale labourers were not required for machine-minding work as women and children provided more fruitful sources of cheap labour. In consequence, the 18th century witnessed significant changes in working patterns based upon gender and age. The reliance of mill owners upon women and children prompted imaginative solutions to the problem of achieving sufficient male employment to attract families, including the development of innovative terrace housing incorporating, in the uppermost storey, multiple windows to illuminate workshops to be used by male weavers or framework knitters whilst their wives and children toiled in the mills.3 <\/sup>These changes in working roles are likely to have imposed significant new pressures upon family relationships, and in particular upon the role of children.4<\/sup> Currently, however, there is little evidence for how these tensions might have been resolved during these early years.<\/span><\/p>\nThere is rather more scope for assessing how working patterns developed during the later 19th and 20th centuries, including study of the movements of professionals and other workers to elucidate migration patterns. Studies of 19th century census returns, data from family history studies and workers\u2019 autobiographies may prove fruitful from this perspective, and should be scrutinised alongside papers associated with mill and estate owners with the additional aim of charting changes in working patterns. There is also more scope in these later centuries for interrogating documentary sources to establish the variety of factors encouraging labour mobility.5<\/sup> It is generally presumed that there was a significant increase in population numbers and a shift from agriculturally-based rural dwellings to settlements close to factories as industrialisation progressed in the 18th and 19th centuries.6<\/sup> However, the picture once portrayed of migrant workers leaving subsistence farming for the emerging manufacturing industries is an oversimplification, and needs to be tempered by consideration of other processes that might have spurred movement from the countryside; these include the impacts of the industrialisation of agriculture and the increasing pace of enclosure which, as in other areas of the Midlands, caused the displacement of agricultural workers and a swelling of the ranks of the landless rural poor.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nRobin Holgate<\/p>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/24\/2021\/12\/SO_7B_Fig-4.37_Hopping_Hill-DSCF4338-225x300.jpg\")
<\/p>\n
Fig. 4.37 Hopping Hill, Milford: end of the easternmost of two terraces, built on newly enclosed common land by Jedediah Strutt from 1792\u20137 as housing for his factory workforce (photograph: David Knight; <\/span><\/i>\u00d3<\/span><\/i> TPA) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, 25-36; Trinder, B 2013. Britain\u2019s Industrial Revolution: The Making of a Manufacturing People<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 371<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Fitton, R S and Wadsworth, A P 1958 The Strutts and the Arkwrights, 1758\u20131830<\/i>. Manchester: MUP, 103\u20135<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Strategic Objective 4B; Trinder 2013, 425<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Humphries, J 2015 Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution<\/i>. Cambridge: CUP<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Pooley, C G and Turnbull, J 1996 \u2018Migration and mobility in Britain from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries\u2019. Local Population Studies<\/i> 57<\/b>, 50\u201371<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Clark, P and Souden D (eds) 1987 Migration and Society in Early Modern England<\/i>. London: Hutchinson<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 2008. Derbyshire: A History<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 335\u20138; Knight, D et al<\/i> 2012, East Midlands Heritage. <\/i>Nottingham: University of Nottingham and York Archaeological Trust, 110, 130<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Mining industry site<\/a>, <\/span>Mill<\/a>, <\/span>Factory<\/a>, <\/span>Migration<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>7C: Assess the impact of the factory system upon class consciousness, gender roles, family dynamics and folk culture <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6b7775afd5<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.9 – How may the move from a rural to an industrial society have impacted upon folk culture, as manifested for example in music and dance?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The social and political impacts of mechanisation were explored by Friedrich Engels in his seminal study The Condition of the Working Class in England<\/i>, published in Germany in 1845. His <\/i>statement that the proletariat was \u2018called into existence by the introduction of machinery\u20191<\/sup> has been echoed by many historians, including E.P. Thompson who, some 120 years later, wrote memorably that the English working class did not \u2018rise like the sun at an appointed time\u2019, but had been created and was present at its own making.2 <\/sup>Thompson also argued that between 1780 and 1832 (coincident with the main period of growth of the factory system in the Derwent Valley), English working people \u2018came to feel an identity of interests as between themselves, and as against their rulers and employers\u2019.3 <\/sup>The social and political consequences of the Industrial Revolution have been debated vigorously ever since Engels\u2019 treatise, in some cases from more optimistic viewpoints that have identified winners as well as losers in the emerging working classes.4<\/sup> A key element of many interpretations has been recognition of the impact upon working class consciousness of the far-reaching socio-cultural developments of the \u2018Age of Improvement\u2019: a time when England still remained a predominantly agricultural and trading nation, but from when huge changes in society may be traced.5<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nThese interpretations provide a useful background to studies of the social and political impacts of industrialisation in the Derwent Valley in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and, in particular, of the impacts of factory development, changing modes of transportation and urbanisation upon family interrelationships, gender and age roles, popular culture, marriage and childbirth patterns. The cotton industry, described as \u2018a lonely hare in a world of tortoises\u2019,6<\/sup> was a new industry unfettered by traditional organisation, and was a driver of significant socio-political as well as economic change. It also required the development of new management skills to guide successfully large industrial operations:7<\/sup> a field in which it has long been recognised that Arkwright excelled.8<\/sup> The Derwent Valley provides, therefore, a valuable case study for research into cultural change during the later 18th and 19th centuries. Particular subjects for research, which it is recommended be targeted during further documentary study, include the impact of factory-working upon family dynamics and age and gender roles,9<\/sup> continuities with established rural traditions, the creation by mill owners of new social customs10<\/sup> and the impacts upon workers of renouncing \u2018their desultory habits of work…[and identifying]…themselves with the unvarying regularity of the complex automaton\u2019.11<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nMark Suggitt<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/24\/2021\/12\/SO_7C_Fig-4.38_DarleyWorkers-300x285.jpg\")
<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n <\/span><\/b>Fig. 4.38 Boar\u2019s Head Mills, Darley Abbey: working the doubling-frame machines (<\/span><\/i>Illustrated Times, July 1862; image courtesy of www.picturethepast.org.uk: DRBY004963)<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n <\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
References<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Engels, F 1979 The Condition of the Working Class in England. <\/i>London: Panther, 50<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson, E P 1963 The Making of the English Working Class. <\/i>London: Victor Gollancz, 9<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson 1963, 12<\/span><\/p>\n4<\/span><\/span> Griffin, E 2013 Liberty\u2019s Dawn: A People\u2019s History of the Industrial Revolution. <\/i>New Haven: YUP<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Briggs, A 1975 The Age of Improvement. <\/i>London: Longman, 17\u2013<\/i>22<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>
More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d5dc188acb2<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.3 – Can we identify more closely the sources of migrant workers and their social and economic status?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Research into the development of Derwent Valley communities has focused traditionally upon the 18th and 19th century cotton-workers\u2019 communities that form key elements of the cultural heritage of the World Heritage Site. Conversely, significantly less emphasis has been placed on the impact upon post-medieval and later settlement of other important local industries \u2013 <\/span>such as lead mining and ore-processing,1<\/sup> the iron, stone quarrying and timber industries,2<\/sup> and long-established manufacturing activities such as nail-making.3<\/sup> This imbalance in knowledge contrasts with the neighbouring Peak District, where significantly more research has been conducted on agricultural and mining settlements and on landscapes impacted by extractive industries.4<\/sup> Understanding of settlement development in the Valley and the social, economic and political interactions of community members is consequently biased strongly towards the industrial settlements that were constructed to accommodate and control the factory workers and their families, with significantly less emphasis upon the wider industrial framework.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nFuture research needs to redress this imbalance in knowledge, with more studies along the lines of a recent project by Jurecki <\/b>that focused upon the socio-cultural, economic and political interactions between established agricultural and mining communities around Cromford and Belper during the early post-medieval period.5<\/sup><\/b> In particular, further light needs to be shed upon the demographic changes that occurred within agricultural or mining communities and other settlements with an established industrial base as the factory system developed, with consideration of changes in community structure, land ownership and tenure arrangements, and the impacts of community movement. Consideration should be given to the evidence for social and political frictions between established and incoming communities: at Belper, for example, between immigrant mill workers and local nailmakers or between established groups and navvies brought in to work on railway, canal and other infrastructure projects.6<\/sup> It would be worth highlighting too the difficulties of moving from one working sphere to another: nailmakers, for example, protected their industry fiercely and viewed outsiders with suspicion. To achieve these aims, research needs to be coordinated and systematic, with consideration not only of documentary sources but also of built environment and archaeological evidence. This should help to answer wider questions and elucidate further how established Derwent Valley communities developed as industrialisation progressed.<\/span><\/p>\nSuzanne Lilley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig.4.36. 8 Joseph Street, Belper: a rare survival of the nailshops that would once have been familiar features of the townscape. This building dates from the early 19th century, and was constructed of coursed gritstone with tile roof, brick chimney and cast iron windows (photograph \u00a9 David Knight)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/b><\/p>\n1<\/span><\/sup><\/b> With the notable exceptions of: Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society; Crossley, D and Kiernan, D 1992 \u2018The lead-smelting mills of Derbyshire\u2019. DAJ <\/i>102<\/b>, 6\u201347 <\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Riden, P 2015 \u2018The Industrial Revolution and the Derwent Valley\u2019 in <\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution: Cromford, the Derwent Valley and the Wider World.<\/i> Cromford: Arkwright Society, 113\u201315<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Giles, J, Power, G and Smith, M 1999 An Illustrated History of Belper and its Environs<\/i>. Belper: Morris, 25\u201327 <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n4<\/span><\/sup><\/b> Eg Barnatt, J and Penny, R 2004 The Lead Legacy<\/span><\/i>. Bakewell: PDNPA; Ford, T D and Rieuwerts, J H 2000 Lead Mining in the Peak District<\/i>, 4 edn. Asbourne: Landmark; Willies, L and Parker, H 1999 Peak District Mining and Quarrying<\/i>. Stroud: Tempus<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Jurecki, K 2008 \u2018Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site landscape project: Cromford and Belper survey Transects\u2019. Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Sheffield. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Giles et al <\/i>1999, 27, 53<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Documentary research<\/a>, <\/span>Industry<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary archive research<\/a>, <\/span>Economy<\/a>, <\/span>Community<\/a>, <\/span>Demography<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary evidence<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>7B: Review the evidence for labour migration and changes in working patterns as the factory system developed <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d5dd6e567a9<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.10 – What impact did the spiralling food demands of a growing industrial population have upon the agrarian economy, workforce and infrastructure (including seasonal patterns of employment and the development of the Strutt family\u0092s model farms)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Prior to the Industrial Revolution, from the 16th to early 18th century, documentary sources indicate that most workers in key Derbyshire industries, such as lead mining or smelting, would have been born locally.1<\/sup> <\/span><\/sup>However, with the growth of water-powered factories from the 18th century onwards, especially at sites away from major centres of population, demands for labour with appropriate craft or mechanical skills and for unskilled workers to mind machines increasingly outstripped supply \u2013 as illustrated by the constant advertisements of Arkwright and Strutt for factory labour (Fig. 4.20).2<\/sup> <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nMale labourers were not required for machine-minding work as women and children provided more fruitful sources of cheap labour. In consequence, the 18th century witnessed significant changes in working patterns based upon gender and age. The reliance of mill owners upon women and children prompted imaginative solutions to the problem of achieving sufficient male employment to attract families, including the development of innovative terrace housing incorporating, in the uppermost storey, multiple windows to illuminate workshops to be used by male weavers or framework knitters whilst their wives and children toiled in the mills.3 <\/sup>These changes in working roles are likely to have imposed significant new pressures upon family relationships, and in particular upon the role of children.4<\/sup> Currently, however, there is little evidence for how these tensions might have been resolved during these early years.<\/span><\/p>\nThere is rather more scope for assessing how working patterns developed during the later 19th and 20th centuries, including study of the movements of professionals and other workers to elucidate migration patterns. Studies of 19th century census returns, data from family history studies and workers\u2019 autobiographies may prove fruitful from this perspective, and should be scrutinised alongside papers associated with mill and estate owners with the additional aim of charting changes in working patterns. There is also more scope in these later centuries for interrogating documentary sources to establish the variety of factors encouraging labour mobility.5<\/sup> It is generally presumed that there was a significant increase in population numbers and a shift from agriculturally-based rural dwellings to settlements close to factories as industrialisation progressed in the 18th and 19th centuries.6<\/sup> However, the picture once portrayed of migrant workers leaving subsistence farming for the emerging manufacturing industries is an oversimplification, and needs to be tempered by consideration of other processes that might have spurred movement from the countryside; these include the impacts of the industrialisation of agriculture and the increasing pace of enclosure which, as in other areas of the Midlands, caused the displacement of agricultural workers and a swelling of the ranks of the landless rural poor.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nRobin Holgate<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Fig. 4.37 Hopping Hill, Milford: end of the easternmost of two terraces, built on newly enclosed common land by Jedediah Strutt from 1792\u20137 as housing for his factory workforce (photograph: David Knight; <\/span><\/i>\u00d3<\/span><\/i> TPA) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, 25-36; Trinder, B 2013. Britain\u2019s Industrial Revolution: The Making of a Manufacturing People<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 371<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Fitton, R S and Wadsworth, A P 1958 The Strutts and the Arkwrights, 1758\u20131830<\/i>. Manchester: MUP, 103\u20135<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Strategic Objective 4B; Trinder 2013, 425<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Humphries, J 2015 Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution<\/i>. Cambridge: CUP<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Pooley, C G and Turnbull, J 1996 \u2018Migration and mobility in Britain from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries\u2019. Local Population Studies<\/i> 57<\/b>, 50\u201371<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Clark, P and Souden D (eds) 1987 Migration and Society in Early Modern England<\/i>. London: Hutchinson<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 2008. Derbyshire: A History<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 335\u20138; Knight, D et al<\/i> 2012, East Midlands Heritage. <\/i>Nottingham: University of Nottingham and York Archaeological Trust, 110, 130<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Mining industry site<\/a>, <\/span>Mill<\/a>, <\/span>Factory<\/a>, <\/span>Migration<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>7C: Assess the impact of the factory system upon class consciousness, gender roles, family dynamics and folk culture <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6b7775afd5<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.9 – How may the move from a rural to an industrial society have impacted upon folk culture, as manifested for example in music and dance?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The social and political impacts of mechanisation were explored by Friedrich Engels in his seminal study The Condition of the Working Class in England<\/i>, published in Germany in 1845. His <\/i>statement that the proletariat was \u2018called into existence by the introduction of machinery\u20191<\/sup> has been echoed by many historians, including E.P. Thompson who, some 120 years later, wrote memorably that the English working class did not \u2018rise like the sun at an appointed time\u2019, but had been created and was present at its own making.2 <\/sup>Thompson also argued that between 1780 and 1832 (coincident with the main period of growth of the factory system in the Derwent Valley), English working people \u2018came to feel an identity of interests as between themselves, and as against their rulers and employers\u2019.3 <\/sup>The social and political consequences of the Industrial Revolution have been debated vigorously ever since Engels\u2019 treatise, in some cases from more optimistic viewpoints that have identified winners as well as losers in the emerging working classes.4<\/sup> A key element of many interpretations has been recognition of the impact upon working class consciousness of the far-reaching socio-cultural developments of the \u2018Age of Improvement\u2019: a time when England still remained a predominantly agricultural and trading nation, but from when huge changes in society may be traced.5<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nThese interpretations provide a useful background to studies of the social and political impacts of industrialisation in the Derwent Valley in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and, in particular, of the impacts of factory development, changing modes of transportation and urbanisation upon family interrelationships, gender and age roles, popular culture, marriage and childbirth patterns. The cotton industry, described as \u2018a lonely hare in a world of tortoises\u2019,6<\/sup> was a new industry unfettered by traditional organisation, and was a driver of significant socio-political as well as economic change. It also required the development of new management skills to guide successfully large industrial operations:7<\/sup> a field in which it has long been recognised that Arkwright excelled.8<\/sup> The Derwent Valley provides, therefore, a valuable case study for research into cultural change during the later 18th and 19th centuries. Particular subjects for research, which it is recommended be targeted during further documentary study, include the impact of factory-working upon family dynamics and age and gender roles,9<\/sup> continuities with established rural traditions, the creation by mill owners of new social customs10<\/sup> and the impacts upon workers of renouncing \u2018their desultory habits of work…[and identifying]…themselves with the unvarying regularity of the complex automaton\u2019.11<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nMark Suggitt<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n <\/span><\/b>Fig. 4.38 Boar\u2019s Head Mills, Darley Abbey: working the doubling-frame machines (<\/span><\/i>Illustrated Times, July 1862; image courtesy of www.picturethepast.org.uk: DRBY004963)<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n <\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
References<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Engels, F 1979 The Condition of the Working Class in England. <\/i>London: Panther, 50<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson, E P 1963 The Making of the English Working Class. <\/i>London: Victor Gollancz, 9<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson 1963, 12<\/span><\/p>\n4<\/span><\/span> Griffin, E 2013 Liberty\u2019s Dawn: A People\u2019s History of the Industrial Revolution. <\/i>New Haven: YUP<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Briggs, A 1975 The Age of Improvement. <\/i>London: Longman, 17\u2013<\/i>22<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>
URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d5dc188acb2<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.3 – Can we identify more closely the sources of migrant workers and their social and economic status?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Research into the development of Derwent Valley communities has focused traditionally upon the 18th and 19th century cotton-workers\u2019 communities that form key elements of the cultural heritage of the World Heritage Site. Conversely, significantly less emphasis has been placed on the impact upon post-medieval and later settlement of other important local industries \u2013 <\/span>such as lead mining and ore-processing,1<\/sup> the iron, stone quarrying and timber industries,2<\/sup> and long-established manufacturing activities such as nail-making.3<\/sup> This imbalance in knowledge contrasts with the neighbouring Peak District, where significantly more research has been conducted on agricultural and mining settlements and on landscapes impacted by extractive industries.4<\/sup> Understanding of settlement development in the Valley and the social, economic and political interactions of community members is consequently biased strongly towards the industrial settlements that were constructed to accommodate and control the factory workers and their families, with significantly less emphasis upon the wider industrial framework.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nFuture research needs to redress this imbalance in knowledge, with more studies along the lines of a recent project by Jurecki <\/b>that focused upon the socio-cultural, economic and political interactions between established agricultural and mining communities around Cromford and Belper during the early post-medieval period.5<\/sup><\/b> In particular, further light needs to be shed upon the demographic changes that occurred within agricultural or mining communities and other settlements with an established industrial base as the factory system developed, with consideration of changes in community structure, land ownership and tenure arrangements, and the impacts of community movement. Consideration should be given to the evidence for social and political frictions between established and incoming communities: at Belper, for example, between immigrant mill workers and local nailmakers or between established groups and navvies brought in to work on railway, canal and other infrastructure projects.6<\/sup> It would be worth highlighting too the difficulties of moving from one working sphere to another: nailmakers, for example, protected their industry fiercely and viewed outsiders with suspicion. To achieve these aims, research needs to be coordinated and systematic, with consideration not only of documentary sources but also of built environment and archaeological evidence. This should help to answer wider questions and elucidate further how established Derwent Valley communities developed as industrialisation progressed.<\/span><\/p>\nSuzanne Lilley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig.4.36. 8 Joseph Street, Belper: a rare survival of the nailshops that would once have been familiar features of the townscape. This building dates from the early 19th century, and was constructed of coursed gritstone with tile roof, brick chimney and cast iron windows (photograph \u00a9 David Knight)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/b><\/p>\n1<\/span><\/sup><\/b> With the notable exceptions of: Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society; Crossley, D and Kiernan, D 1992 \u2018The lead-smelting mills of Derbyshire\u2019. DAJ <\/i>102<\/b>, 6\u201347 <\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Riden, P 2015 \u2018The Industrial Revolution and the Derwent Valley\u2019 in <\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution: Cromford, the Derwent Valley and the Wider World.<\/i> Cromford: Arkwright Society, 113\u201315<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Giles, J, Power, G and Smith, M 1999 An Illustrated History of Belper and its Environs<\/i>. Belper: Morris, 25\u201327 <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n4<\/span><\/sup><\/b> Eg Barnatt, J and Penny, R 2004 The Lead Legacy<\/span><\/i>. Bakewell: PDNPA; Ford, T D and Rieuwerts, J H 2000 Lead Mining in the Peak District<\/i>, 4 edn. Asbourne: Landmark; Willies, L and Parker, H 1999 Peak District Mining and Quarrying<\/i>. Stroud: Tempus<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Jurecki, K 2008 \u2018Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site landscape project: Cromford and Belper survey Transects\u2019. Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Sheffield. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Giles et al <\/i>1999, 27, 53<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Documentary research<\/a>, <\/span>Industry<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary archive research<\/a>, <\/span>Economy<\/a>, <\/span>Community<\/a>, <\/span>Demography<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary evidence<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>7B: Review the evidence for labour migration and changes in working patterns as the factory system developed <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d5dd6e567a9<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.10 – What impact did the spiralling food demands of a growing industrial population have upon the agrarian economy, workforce and infrastructure (including seasonal patterns of employment and the development of the Strutt family\u0092s model farms)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Prior to the Industrial Revolution, from the 16th to early 18th century, documentary sources indicate that most workers in key Derbyshire industries, such as lead mining or smelting, would have been born locally.1<\/sup> <\/span><\/sup>However, with the growth of water-powered factories from the 18th century onwards, especially at sites away from major centres of population, demands for labour with appropriate craft or mechanical skills and for unskilled workers to mind machines increasingly outstripped supply \u2013 as illustrated by the constant advertisements of Arkwright and Strutt for factory labour (Fig. 4.20).2<\/sup> <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nMale labourers were not required for machine-minding work as women and children provided more fruitful sources of cheap labour. In consequence, the 18th century witnessed significant changes in working patterns based upon gender and age. The reliance of mill owners upon women and children prompted imaginative solutions to the problem of achieving sufficient male employment to attract families, including the development of innovative terrace housing incorporating, in the uppermost storey, multiple windows to illuminate workshops to be used by male weavers or framework knitters whilst their wives and children toiled in the mills.3 <\/sup>These changes in working roles are likely to have imposed significant new pressures upon family relationships, and in particular upon the role of children.4<\/sup> Currently, however, there is little evidence for how these tensions might have been resolved during these early years.<\/span><\/p>\nThere is rather more scope for assessing how working patterns developed during the later 19th and 20th centuries, including study of the movements of professionals and other workers to elucidate migration patterns. Studies of 19th century census returns, data from family history studies and workers\u2019 autobiographies may prove fruitful from this perspective, and should be scrutinised alongside papers associated with mill and estate owners with the additional aim of charting changes in working patterns. There is also more scope in these later centuries for interrogating documentary sources to establish the variety of factors encouraging labour mobility.5<\/sup> It is generally presumed that there was a significant increase in population numbers and a shift from agriculturally-based rural dwellings to settlements close to factories as industrialisation progressed in the 18th and 19th centuries.6<\/sup> However, the picture once portrayed of migrant workers leaving subsistence farming for the emerging manufacturing industries is an oversimplification, and needs to be tempered by consideration of other processes that might have spurred movement from the countryside; these include the impacts of the industrialisation of agriculture and the increasing pace of enclosure which, as in other areas of the Midlands, caused the displacement of agricultural workers and a swelling of the ranks of the landless rural poor.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nRobin Holgate<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Fig. 4.37 Hopping Hill, Milford: end of the easternmost of two terraces, built on newly enclosed common land by Jedediah Strutt from 1792\u20137 as housing for his factory workforce (photograph: David Knight; <\/span><\/i>\u00d3<\/span><\/i> TPA) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, 25-36; Trinder, B 2013. Britain\u2019s Industrial Revolution: The Making of a Manufacturing People<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 371<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Fitton, R S and Wadsworth, A P 1958 The Strutts and the Arkwrights, 1758\u20131830<\/i>. Manchester: MUP, 103\u20135<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Strategic Objective 4B; Trinder 2013, 425<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Humphries, J 2015 Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution<\/i>. Cambridge: CUP<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Pooley, C G and Turnbull, J 1996 \u2018Migration and mobility in Britain from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries\u2019. Local Population Studies<\/i> 57<\/b>, 50\u201371<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Clark, P and Souden D (eds) 1987 Migration and Society in Early Modern England<\/i>. London: Hutchinson<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 2008. Derbyshire: A History<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 335\u20138; Knight, D et al<\/i> 2012, East Midlands Heritage. <\/i>Nottingham: University of Nottingham and York Archaeological Trust, 110, 130<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Mining industry site<\/a>, <\/span>Mill<\/a>, <\/span>Factory<\/a>, <\/span>Migration<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>7C: Assess the impact of the factory system upon class consciousness, gender roles, family dynamics and folk culture <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6b7775afd5<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.9 – How may the move from a rural to an industrial society have impacted upon folk culture, as manifested for example in music and dance?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The social and political impacts of mechanisation were explored by Friedrich Engels in his seminal study The Condition of the Working Class in England<\/i>, published in Germany in 1845. His <\/i>statement that the proletariat was \u2018called into existence by the introduction of machinery\u20191<\/sup> has been echoed by many historians, including E.P. Thompson who, some 120 years later, wrote memorably that the English working class did not \u2018rise like the sun at an appointed time\u2019, but had been created and was present at its own making.2 <\/sup>Thompson also argued that between 1780 and 1832 (coincident with the main period of growth of the factory system in the Derwent Valley), English working people \u2018came to feel an identity of interests as between themselves, and as against their rulers and employers\u2019.3 <\/sup>The social and political consequences of the Industrial Revolution have been debated vigorously ever since Engels\u2019 treatise, in some cases from more optimistic viewpoints that have identified winners as well as losers in the emerging working classes.4<\/sup> A key element of many interpretations has been recognition of the impact upon working class consciousness of the far-reaching socio-cultural developments of the \u2018Age of Improvement\u2019: a time when England still remained a predominantly agricultural and trading nation, but from when huge changes in society may be traced.5<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nThese interpretations provide a useful background to studies of the social and political impacts of industrialisation in the Derwent Valley in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and, in particular, of the impacts of factory development, changing modes of transportation and urbanisation upon family interrelationships, gender and age roles, popular culture, marriage and childbirth patterns. The cotton industry, described as \u2018a lonely hare in a world of tortoises\u2019,6<\/sup> was a new industry unfettered by traditional organisation, and was a driver of significant socio-political as well as economic change. It also required the development of new management skills to guide successfully large industrial operations:7<\/sup> a field in which it has long been recognised that Arkwright excelled.8<\/sup> The Derwent Valley provides, therefore, a valuable case study for research into cultural change during the later 18th and 19th centuries. Particular subjects for research, which it is recommended be targeted during further documentary study, include the impact of factory-working upon family dynamics and age and gender roles,9<\/sup> continuities with established rural traditions, the creation by mill owners of new social customs10<\/sup> and the impacts upon workers of renouncing \u2018their desultory habits of work…[and identifying]…themselves with the unvarying regularity of the complex automaton\u2019.11<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nMark Suggitt<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n <\/span><\/b>Fig. 4.38 Boar\u2019s Head Mills, Darley Abbey: working the doubling-frame machines (<\/span><\/i>Illustrated Times, July 1862; image courtesy of www.picturethepast.org.uk: DRBY004963)<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n <\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
References<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Engels, F 1979 The Condition of the Working Class in England. <\/i>London: Panther, 50<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson, E P 1963 The Making of the English Working Class. <\/i>London: Victor Gollancz, 9<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson 1963, 12<\/span><\/p>\n4<\/span><\/span> Griffin, E 2013 Liberty\u2019s Dawn: A People\u2019s History of the Industrial Revolution. <\/i>New Haven: YUP<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Briggs, A 1975 The Age of Improvement. <\/i>London: Longman, 17\u2013<\/i>22<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>
More information: <\/h5>Research into the development of Derwent Valley communities has focused traditionally upon the 18th and 19th century cotton-workers\u2019 communities that form key elements of the cultural heritage of the World Heritage Site. Conversely, significantly less emphasis has been placed on the impact upon post-medieval and later settlement of other important local industries \u2013 <\/span>such as lead mining and ore-processing,1<\/sup> the iron, stone quarrying and timber industries,2<\/sup> and long-established manufacturing activities such as nail-making.3<\/sup> This imbalance in knowledge contrasts with the neighbouring Peak District, where significantly more research has been conducted on agricultural and mining settlements and on landscapes impacted by extractive industries.4<\/sup> Understanding of settlement development in the Valley and the social, economic and political interactions of community members is consequently biased strongly towards the industrial settlements that were constructed to accommodate and control the factory workers and their families, with significantly less emphasis upon the wider industrial framework.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nFuture research needs to redress this imbalance in knowledge, with more studies along the lines of a recent project by Jurecki <\/b>that focused upon the socio-cultural, economic and political interactions between established agricultural and mining communities around Cromford and Belper during the early post-medieval period.5<\/sup><\/b> In particular, further light needs to be shed upon the demographic changes that occurred within agricultural or mining communities and other settlements with an established industrial base as the factory system developed, with consideration of changes in community structure, land ownership and tenure arrangements, and the impacts of community movement. Consideration should be given to the evidence for social and political frictions between established and incoming communities: at Belper, for example, between immigrant mill workers and local nailmakers or between established groups and navvies brought in to work on railway, canal and other infrastructure projects.6<\/sup> It would be worth highlighting too the difficulties of moving from one working sphere to another: nailmakers, for example, protected their industry fiercely and viewed outsiders with suspicion. To achieve these aims, research needs to be coordinated and systematic, with consideration not only of documentary sources but also of built environment and archaeological evidence. This should help to answer wider questions and elucidate further how established Derwent Valley communities developed as industrialisation progressed.<\/span><\/p>\nSuzanne Lilley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig.4.36. 8 Joseph Street, Belper: a rare survival of the nailshops that would once have been familiar features of the townscape. This building dates from the early 19th century, and was constructed of coursed gritstone with tile roof, brick chimney and cast iron windows (photograph \u00a9 David Knight)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/b><\/p>\n1<\/span><\/sup><\/b> With the notable exceptions of: Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society; Crossley, D and Kiernan, D 1992 \u2018The lead-smelting mills of Derbyshire\u2019. DAJ <\/i>102<\/b>, 6\u201347 <\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Riden, P 2015 \u2018The Industrial Revolution and the Derwent Valley\u2019 in <\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution: Cromford, the Derwent Valley and the Wider World.<\/i> Cromford: Arkwright Society, 113\u201315<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Giles, J, Power, G and Smith, M 1999 An Illustrated History of Belper and its Environs<\/i>. Belper: Morris, 25\u201327 <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n4<\/span><\/sup><\/b> Eg Barnatt, J and Penny, R 2004 The Lead Legacy<\/span><\/i>. Bakewell: PDNPA; Ford, T D and Rieuwerts, J H 2000 Lead Mining in the Peak District<\/i>, 4 edn. Asbourne: Landmark; Willies, L and Parker, H 1999 Peak District Mining and Quarrying<\/i>. Stroud: Tempus<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Jurecki, K 2008 \u2018Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site landscape project: Cromford and Belper survey Transects\u2019. Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Sheffield. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Giles et al <\/i>1999, 27, 53<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Documentary research<\/a>, <\/span>Industry<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary archive research<\/a>, <\/span>Economy<\/a>, <\/span>Community<\/a>, <\/span>Demography<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary evidence<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>7B: Review the evidence for labour migration and changes in working patterns as the factory system developed <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d5dd6e567a9<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.10 – What impact did the spiralling food demands of a growing industrial population have upon the agrarian economy, workforce and infrastructure (including seasonal patterns of employment and the development of the Strutt family\u0092s model farms)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Prior to the Industrial Revolution, from the 16th to early 18th century, documentary sources indicate that most workers in key Derbyshire industries, such as lead mining or smelting, would have been born locally.1<\/sup> <\/span><\/sup>However, with the growth of water-powered factories from the 18th century onwards, especially at sites away from major centres of population, demands for labour with appropriate craft or mechanical skills and for unskilled workers to mind machines increasingly outstripped supply \u2013 as illustrated by the constant advertisements of Arkwright and Strutt for factory labour (Fig. 4.20).2<\/sup> <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nMale labourers were not required for machine-minding work as women and children provided more fruitful sources of cheap labour. In consequence, the 18th century witnessed significant changes in working patterns based upon gender and age. The reliance of mill owners upon women and children prompted imaginative solutions to the problem of achieving sufficient male employment to attract families, including the development of innovative terrace housing incorporating, in the uppermost storey, multiple windows to illuminate workshops to be used by male weavers or framework knitters whilst their wives and children toiled in the mills.3 <\/sup>These changes in working roles are likely to have imposed significant new pressures upon family relationships, and in particular upon the role of children.4<\/sup> Currently, however, there is little evidence for how these tensions might have been resolved during these early years.<\/span><\/p>\nThere is rather more scope for assessing how working patterns developed during the later 19th and 20th centuries, including study of the movements of professionals and other workers to elucidate migration patterns. Studies of 19th century census returns, data from family history studies and workers\u2019 autobiographies may prove fruitful from this perspective, and should be scrutinised alongside papers associated with mill and estate owners with the additional aim of charting changes in working patterns. There is also more scope in these later centuries for interrogating documentary sources to establish the variety of factors encouraging labour mobility.5<\/sup> It is generally presumed that there was a significant increase in population numbers and a shift from agriculturally-based rural dwellings to settlements close to factories as industrialisation progressed in the 18th and 19th centuries.6<\/sup> However, the picture once portrayed of migrant workers leaving subsistence farming for the emerging manufacturing industries is an oversimplification, and needs to be tempered by consideration of other processes that might have spurred movement from the countryside; these include the impacts of the industrialisation of agriculture and the increasing pace of enclosure which, as in other areas of the Midlands, caused the displacement of agricultural workers and a swelling of the ranks of the landless rural poor.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nRobin Holgate<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Fig. 4.37 Hopping Hill, Milford: end of the easternmost of two terraces, built on newly enclosed common land by Jedediah Strutt from 1792\u20137 as housing for his factory workforce (photograph: David Knight; <\/span><\/i>\u00d3<\/span><\/i> TPA) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, 25-36; Trinder, B 2013. Britain\u2019s Industrial Revolution: The Making of a Manufacturing People<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 371<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Fitton, R S and Wadsworth, A P 1958 The Strutts and the Arkwrights, 1758\u20131830<\/i>. Manchester: MUP, 103\u20135<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Strategic Objective 4B; Trinder 2013, 425<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Humphries, J 2015 Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution<\/i>. Cambridge: CUP<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Pooley, C G and Turnbull, J 1996 \u2018Migration and mobility in Britain from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries\u2019. Local Population Studies<\/i> 57<\/b>, 50\u201371<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Clark, P and Souden D (eds) 1987 Migration and Society in Early Modern England<\/i>. London: Hutchinson<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 2008. Derbyshire: A History<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 335\u20138; Knight, D et al<\/i> 2012, East Midlands Heritage. <\/i>Nottingham: University of Nottingham and York Archaeological Trust, 110, 130<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Mining industry site<\/a>, <\/span>Mill<\/a>, <\/span>Factory<\/a>, <\/span>Migration<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>7C: Assess the impact of the factory system upon class consciousness, gender roles, family dynamics and folk culture <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6b7775afd5<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.9 – How may the move from a rural to an industrial society have impacted upon folk culture, as manifested for example in music and dance?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The social and political impacts of mechanisation were explored by Friedrich Engels in his seminal study The Condition of the Working Class in England<\/i>, published in Germany in 1845. His <\/i>statement that the proletariat was \u2018called into existence by the introduction of machinery\u20191<\/sup> has been echoed by many historians, including E.P. Thompson who, some 120 years later, wrote memorably that the English working class did not \u2018rise like the sun at an appointed time\u2019, but had been created and was present at its own making.2 <\/sup>Thompson also argued that between 1780 and 1832 (coincident with the main period of growth of the factory system in the Derwent Valley), English working people \u2018came to feel an identity of interests as between themselves, and as against their rulers and employers\u2019.3 <\/sup>The social and political consequences of the Industrial Revolution have been debated vigorously ever since Engels\u2019 treatise, in some cases from more optimistic viewpoints that have identified winners as well as losers in the emerging working classes.4<\/sup> A key element of many interpretations has been recognition of the impact upon working class consciousness of the far-reaching socio-cultural developments of the \u2018Age of Improvement\u2019: a time when England still remained a predominantly agricultural and trading nation, but from when huge changes in society may be traced.5<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nThese interpretations provide a useful background to studies of the social and political impacts of industrialisation in the Derwent Valley in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and, in particular, of the impacts of factory development, changing modes of transportation and urbanisation upon family interrelationships, gender and age roles, popular culture, marriage and childbirth patterns. The cotton industry, described as \u2018a lonely hare in a world of tortoises\u2019,6<\/sup> was a new industry unfettered by traditional organisation, and was a driver of significant socio-political as well as economic change. It also required the development of new management skills to guide successfully large industrial operations:7<\/sup> a field in which it has long been recognised that Arkwright excelled.8<\/sup> The Derwent Valley provides, therefore, a valuable case study for research into cultural change during the later 18th and 19th centuries. Particular subjects for research, which it is recommended be targeted during further documentary study, include the impact of factory-working upon family dynamics and age and gender roles,9<\/sup> continuities with established rural traditions, the creation by mill owners of new social customs10<\/sup> and the impacts upon workers of renouncing \u2018their desultory habits of work…[and identifying]…themselves with the unvarying regularity of the complex automaton\u2019.11<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nMark Suggitt<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n <\/span><\/b>Fig. 4.38 Boar\u2019s Head Mills, Darley Abbey: working the doubling-frame machines (<\/span><\/i>Illustrated Times, July 1862; image courtesy of www.picturethepast.org.uk: DRBY004963)<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n <\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
References<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Engels, F 1979 The Condition of the Working Class in England. <\/i>London: Panther, 50<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson, E P 1963 The Making of the English Working Class. <\/i>London: Victor Gollancz, 9<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson 1963, 12<\/span><\/p>\n4<\/span><\/span> Griffin, E 2013 Liberty\u2019s Dawn: A People\u2019s History of the Industrial Revolution. <\/i>New Haven: YUP<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Briggs, A 1975 The Age of Improvement. <\/i>London: Longman, 17\u2013<\/i>22<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>
<\/span><\/p>\n Future research needs to redress this imbalance in knowledge, with more studies along the lines of a recent project by Jurecki <\/b>that focused upon the socio-cultural, economic and political interactions between established agricultural and mining communities around Cromford and Belper during the early post-medieval period.5<\/sup><\/b> In particular, further light needs to be shed upon the demographic changes that occurred within agricultural or mining communities and other settlements with an established industrial base as the factory system developed, with consideration of changes in community structure, land ownership and tenure arrangements, and the impacts of community movement. Consideration should be given to the evidence for social and political frictions between established and incoming communities: at Belper, for example, between immigrant mill workers and local nailmakers or between established groups and navvies brought in to work on railway, canal and other infrastructure projects.6<\/sup> It would be worth highlighting too the difficulties of moving from one working sphere to another: nailmakers, for example, protected their industry fiercely and viewed outsiders with suspicion. To achieve these aims, research needs to be coordinated and systematic, with consideration not only of documentary sources but also of built environment and archaeological evidence. This should help to answer wider questions and elucidate further how established Derwent Valley communities developed as industrialisation progressed.<\/span><\/p>\n Suzanne Lilley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n Fig.4.36. 8 Joseph Street, Belper: a rare survival of the nailshops that would once have been familiar features of the townscape. This building dates from the early 19th century, and was constructed of coursed gritstone with tile roof, brick chimney and cast iron windows (photograph \u00a9 David Knight)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n References<\/span><\/b><\/b><\/p>\n 1<\/span><\/sup><\/b> With the notable exceptions of: Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society; Crossley, D and Kiernan, D 1992 \u2018The lead-smelting mills of Derbyshire\u2019. DAJ <\/i>102<\/b>, 6\u201347 <\/span><\/p>\n 2 <\/span><\/sup>Riden, P 2015 \u2018The Industrial Revolution and the Derwent Valley\u2019 in <\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution: Cromford, the Derwent Valley and the Wider World.<\/i> Cromford: Arkwright Society, 113\u201315<\/span><\/p>\n 3 <\/span><\/sup>Giles, J, Power, G and Smith, M 1999 An Illustrated History of Belper and its Environs<\/i>. Belper: Morris, 25\u201327 <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n 4<\/span><\/sup><\/b> Eg Barnatt, J and Penny, R 2004 The Lead Legacy<\/span><\/i>. Bakewell: PDNPA; Ford, T D and Rieuwerts, J H 2000 Lead Mining in the Peak District<\/i>, 4 edn. Asbourne: Landmark; Willies, L and Parker, H 1999 Peak District Mining and Quarrying<\/i>. Stroud: Tempus<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n 5 <\/span><\/sup>Jurecki, K 2008 \u2018Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site landscape project: Cromford and Belper survey Transects\u2019. Unpublished MA Thesis, University of Sheffield. <\/span><\/span><\/p>\n 6 <\/span><\/sup>Giles et al <\/i>1999, 27, 53<\/span><\/p><\/span> Prior to the Industrial Revolution, from the 16th to early 18th century, documentary sources indicate that most workers in key Derbyshire industries, such as lead mining or smelting, would have been born locally.1<\/sup> <\/span><\/sup>However, with the growth of water-powered factories from the 18th century onwards, especially at sites away from major centres of population, demands for labour with appropriate craft or mechanical skills and for unskilled workers to mind machines increasingly outstripped supply \u2013 as illustrated by the constant advertisements of Arkwright and Strutt for factory labour (Fig. 4.20).2<\/sup> <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\n Male labourers were not required for machine-minding work as women and children provided more fruitful sources of cheap labour. In consequence, the 18th century witnessed significant changes in working patterns based upon gender and age. The reliance of mill owners upon women and children prompted imaginative solutions to the problem of achieving sufficient male employment to attract families, including the development of innovative terrace housing incorporating, in the uppermost storey, multiple windows to illuminate workshops to be used by male weavers or framework knitters whilst their wives and children toiled in the mills.3 <\/sup>These changes in working roles are likely to have imposed significant new pressures upon family relationships, and in particular upon the role of children.4<\/sup> Currently, however, there is little evidence for how these tensions might have been resolved during these early years.<\/span><\/p>\n There is rather more scope for assessing how working patterns developed during the later 19th and 20th centuries, including study of the movements of professionals and other workers to elucidate migration patterns. Studies of 19th century census returns, data from family history studies and workers\u2019 autobiographies may prove fruitful from this perspective, and should be scrutinised alongside papers associated with mill and estate owners with the additional aim of charting changes in working patterns. There is also more scope in these later centuries for interrogating documentary sources to establish the variety of factors encouraging labour mobility.5<\/sup> It is generally presumed that there was a significant increase in population numbers and a shift from agriculturally-based rural dwellings to settlements close to factories as industrialisation progressed in the 18th and 19th centuries.6<\/sup> However, the picture once portrayed of migrant workers leaving subsistence farming for the emerging manufacturing industries is an oversimplification, and needs to be tempered by consideration of other processes that might have spurred movement from the countryside; these include the impacts of the industrialisation of agriculture and the increasing pace of enclosure which, as in other areas of the Midlands, caused the displacement of agricultural workers and a swelling of the ranks of the landless rural poor.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n Robin Holgate<\/p>\n Fig. 4.37 Hopping Hill, Milford: end of the easternmost of two terraces, built on newly enclosed common land by Jedediah Strutt from 1792\u20137 as housing for his factory workforce (photograph: David Knight; <\/span><\/i>\u00d3<\/span><\/i> TPA) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\n References<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n 1 <\/span><\/sup>Kiernan, D 1989 The Derbyshire Lead Industry in the Sixteenth Century<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, 25-36; Trinder, B 2013. Britain\u2019s Industrial Revolution: The Making of a Manufacturing People<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 371<\/span><\/p>\n 2 <\/span><\/sup>Fitton, R S and Wadsworth, A P 1958 The Strutts and the Arkwrights, 1758\u20131830<\/i>. Manchester: MUP, 103\u20135<\/span><\/p>\n 3 <\/span><\/sup>Strategic Objective 4B; Trinder 2013, 425<\/span><\/p>\n 4 <\/span><\/sup>Humphries, J 2015 Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution<\/i>. Cambridge: CUP<\/span><\/p>\n 5 <\/span><\/sup>Pooley, C G and Turnbull, J 1996 \u2018Migration and mobility in Britain from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries\u2019. Local Population Studies<\/i> 57<\/b>, 50\u201371<\/span><\/p>\n 6 <\/span><\/sup>Clark, P and Souden D (eds) 1987 Migration and Society in Early Modern England<\/i>. London: Hutchinson<\/span><\/p>\n 7 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 2008. Derbyshire: A History<\/i>. Lancaster: Carnegie, 335\u20138; Knight, D et al<\/i> 2012, East Midlands Heritage. <\/i>Nottingham: University of Nottingham and York Archaeological Trust, 110, 130<\/span><\/p><\/span> The social and political impacts of mechanisation were explored by Friedrich Engels in his seminal study The Condition of the Working Class in England<\/i>, published in Germany in 1845. His <\/i>statement that the proletariat was \u2018called into existence by the introduction of machinery\u20191<\/sup> has been echoed by many historians, including E.P. Thompson who, some 120 years later, wrote memorably that the English working class did not \u2018rise like the sun at an appointed time\u2019, but had been created and was present at its own making.2 <\/sup>Thompson also argued that between 1780 and 1832 (coincident with the main period of growth of the factory system in the Derwent Valley), English working people \u2018came to feel an identity of interests as between themselves, and as against their rulers and employers\u2019.3 <\/sup>The social and political consequences of the Industrial Revolution have been debated vigorously ever since Engels\u2019 treatise, in some cases from more optimistic viewpoints that have identified winners as well as losers in the emerging working classes.4<\/sup> A key element of many interpretations has been recognition of the impact upon working class consciousness of the far-reaching socio-cultural developments of the \u2018Age of Improvement\u2019: a time when England still remained a predominantly agricultural and trading nation, but from when huge changes in society may be traced.5<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n These interpretations provide a useful background to studies of the social and political impacts of industrialisation in the Derwent Valley in the late 18th and early 19th centuries and, in particular, of the impacts of factory development, changing modes of transportation and urbanisation upon family interrelationships, gender and age roles, popular culture, marriage and childbirth patterns. The cotton industry, described as \u2018a lonely hare in a world of tortoises\u2019,6<\/sup> was a new industry unfettered by traditional organisation, and was a driver of significant socio-political as well as economic change. It also required the development of new management skills to guide successfully large industrial operations:7<\/sup> a field in which it has long been recognised that Arkwright excelled.8<\/sup> The Derwent Valley provides, therefore, a valuable case study for research into cultural change during the later 18th and 19th centuries. Particular subjects for research, which it is recommended be targeted during further documentary study, include the impact of factory-working upon family dynamics and age and gender roles,9<\/sup> continuities with established rural traditions, the creation by mill owners of new social customs10<\/sup> and the impacts upon workers of renouncing \u2018their desultory habits of work…[and identifying]…themselves with the unvarying regularity of the complex automaton\u2019.11<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n Mark Suggitt<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n <\/span><\/b>Fig. 4.38 Boar\u2019s Head Mills, Darley Abbey: working the doubling-frame machines (<\/span><\/i>Illustrated Times, July 1862; image courtesy of www.picturethepast.org.uk: DRBY004963)<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n References<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n 1 <\/span><\/sup>Engels, F 1979 The Condition of the Working Class in England. <\/i>London: Panther, 50<\/span><\/p>\n 2 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson, E P 1963 The Making of the English Working Class. <\/i>London: Victor Gollancz, 9<\/span><\/p>\n 3 <\/span><\/sup>Thompson 1963, 12<\/span><\/p>\n 4<\/span><\/span> Griffin, E 2013 Liberty\u2019s Dawn: A People\u2019s History of the Industrial Revolution. <\/i>New Haven: YUP<\/span><\/p>\n 5 <\/span><\/sup>Briggs, A 1975 The Age of Improvement. <\/i>London: Longman, 17\u2013<\/i>22<\/span><\/p>\n 6 <\/span><\/sup><\/p>\nStatus: <\/h5>Active <\/span>
Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>
Categories: <\/h5>Documentary research<\/a>, <\/span>Industry<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary archive research<\/a>, <\/span>Economy<\/a>, <\/span>Community<\/a>, <\/span>Demography<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>Documentary evidence<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>
7B: Review the evidence for labour migration and changes in working patterns as the factory system developed <\/h3>
More information on this strategy <\/summary>
URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d5dd6e567a9<\/a><\/span>
Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.10 – What impact did the spiralling food demands of a growing industrial population have upon the agrarian economy, workforce and infrastructure (including seasonal patterns of employment and the development of the Strutt family\u0092s model farms)?<\/a>
More information: <\/h5>
<\/p>\nStatus: <\/h5>Active <\/span>
Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>
Categories: <\/h5>Mining industry site<\/a>, <\/span>Mill<\/a>, <\/span>Factory<\/a>, <\/span>Migration<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>
7C: Assess the impact of the factory system upon class consciousness, gender roles, family dynamics and folk culture <\/h3>
More information on this strategy <\/summary>
URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6b7775afd5<\/a><\/span>
Linked Question(s): <\/h5>7.9 – How may the move from a rural to an industrial society have impacted upon folk culture, as manifested for example in music and dance?<\/a>
More information: <\/h5>
<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n