8A: Explore the factors driving the development of canals, railways and roads and trace the evolution of networks for the distribution of raw materials and finished goods <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6cc2886f78<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.10 – How have transport and communications changes enabled new ways of living and working since 1850 and how have they impacted upon urban infrastructure (for example, by the gentrification of former industrial areas)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The Derwent Valley developed as an important transport artery during the Industrial Revolution, linking the industrial towns of the Midlands with Manchester and the north-west. This spurred a fundamental reorientation of established patterns of movement, immortalised in the writings of 17th and 18th century travellers such as Celia Fiennes and Daniel Defoe.1<\/sup> The new canals,2<\/sup> railways3<\/sup> and roads4<\/sup> of the 18th and 19th centuries mainly utilised the valley floor, overlying a hill-based network of principally east-west packhorse tracks and roads for wheeled vehicles.5<\/sup> The Derwent\u2019s role as a transport corridor developed in a relatively piecemeal and halting fashion, with the aim of facilitating the export of local lead, textiles, timber, stone and other products and the import of raw materials, particularly for the manufacture of cotton goods. These developments also made the area more accessible for travellers, stimulating a nascent tourist industry. Key events in the development of a more integrated transport network include the building of the Cromford Canal, opened in 1792-3,6<\/sup> and, in the 19th century, the construction of the Cromford to Belper Turnpike, Cromford and High Peak Railway and Manchester, Buxton, Matlock and Midland Junction Railway.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nStudies of transport developments and their wider impacts should consider a broad range of issues, including the constraints of geology and topography, competition between transport companies and the ambitions of land and mill owners. From the landscape perspective, it would be interesting to investigate how the hill-based road network had to be modified to meet the needs of valley industry. From the economic viewpoint, it would be useful to establish <\/span>the impact of transport costs upon industrial viability by comparison with other regions, the relationships between the commercial activities of industrialists and their investments in transport infrastructure, and <\/span>how<\/span> the developing infrastructure met the needs of industrialists. There is also a need to investigate <\/span>the impacts of changing communications patterns and technologies upon established settlements with respect to their commercial and industrial viability, migration, mobility, accessibility and the development of tourism. Finally, it would be interesting to establish <\/span>the extent to which transport improvements <\/span>embedded communities within wider regional and national networks. In this last respect, factors spurring the growth of communication networks, including finance, entrepreneurial activity, technology, infrastructure, traffic and trade, are crucial to the forging of regional and national economies, social networks and community identities from the 18th century into the modern era.8<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nGeorge Revill and Trevor Griffin<\/p>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/24\/2022\/01\/4.41-300x186.jpg\")
<\/p>\n
Fig.4.41 Field survey and documentary research by members of the Butterley Gangroad Project9<\/sup> has shed important light upon the development of this early railway, built in the 1790s as a feeder line between limestone quarries at Crich and the Cromford Canal and closed in 1933. This 1930s postcard shows the mid-19th century Fritchley embankment (reproduced by courtesy of Derbys Archaeological Society<\/span><\/i>)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>. Leicester: LUP, 12\u201314<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Hadfield, C 1970 The Canals of the East Midlands. <\/i>Newton Abbot: David & Charles<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Williams, F S 1877 The Midland Railway: Its Rise and Progress<\/i>. Derby: Bemrose<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Pawelski, M 2015 \u2018Turnpikes and local industry: A study of the relationship between the lead industry and the turnpike system in 18th century Derbyshire\u2019 <\/span>in <\/span><\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution. <\/i>Cromford: Arkwright Society, <\/span>55\u201371; <\/span>Radley, J and Penny, S R 1972 \u2018The turnpike roads of the Peak District\u2019. DAJ <\/i>92<\/b>, 93\u2013109<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Dodd, A E and Dodd, E M 2000 Peakland Roads and Trackways<\/i>, 3 edn. Ashbourne: Landmark<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>Cooper, B 1991 Transformation of a Valley<\/i>. Cromford: Scarthin Books, 162\u2013221<\/span><\/p>\n8 <\/span><\/sup>Laugero, G 1996 \u2018Infrastructures of Enlightenment: Road-making, the public sphere, and the emergence of literature\u2019. Eighteenth Century Studies <\/i>29<\/b>, 45\u201367; Revill, G 2007 \u2018William Jessop and the River Trent: Mobility, engineering and the landscape of eighteenth century improvement\u2019. Transactions Institute of British Geographers<\/i> 32<\/b>, 201\u201316<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n9 <\/span><\/sup>Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2014 \u2018The Butterley Gangroad\u2019. DAJ<\/i> 134<\/b>, 221\u201352; Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2015 The Butterley Gangroad (or Crich Rail-way)<\/i>. Derby: DAS<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Canal<\/a>, <\/span>Railway<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>8B: Establish the impact of the development of roads and railways upon the continuing development of cotton spinning <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6db141619c<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.10 – How have transport and communications changes enabled new ways of living and working since 1850 and how have they impacted upon urban infrastructure (for example, by the gentrification of former industrial areas)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Travel in the 18th century was challenging, especially when moving heavy goods such as stone, ore, coal and cotton.1<\/sup> The early mills were established close to river bridges, with water available for power, and packhorse routes already established.2<\/sup> For mass production to thrive in the Derwent Valley, as it developed into an industrial hub, the need for better transport links became a necessity. Rare contemporary accounts of travel through post-medieval Derbyshire emphasise the difficulties of road travel, which was time-consuming and often arduous. As noted by Celia Fiennes, for example, recounting the events of her Derbyshire tour of 1697: \u2018All Derbyshire is full of steep hills\u2026which makes travelling tedious, and the miles long\u2019.3<\/sup> The development of the factory system, which began with Derby\u2019s Silk Mill and was expanded and refined by Sir Richard Arkwright and Jedediah Strutt at Cromford and Belper, spurred the development of better transport links. The opening in 1792-3 of the Cromford Canal,4<\/sup> linking the Erewash Canal at Langley Mill to Cromford, began these improvements, but this was by no means sufficient. Better roads were needed, linking key industrial sites with the improving national network. From this perspective, the building with cotton-spinning profits of a turnpike running parallel to the River Derwent represented a crucial development for future economic growth in the Valley. The supporting infrastructure for this road, built after an Act of Parliament was passed in 1817, is not fully understood, and would merit further study.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nEarly examples of road-building survive within the Derwent Valley and, whilst some survey and excavation work has been conducted,5<\/sup> a greater understanding of how and why they were constructed is needed. Due in large part to Derby\u2019s central position within England, the coming of passenger-carrying railways from 1839 increased the town\u2019s population dramatically and brought greater prosperity and opportunity for industrial expansion as a central hub for the national network.6<\/sup> The establishment of high-quality road and rail links greatly impacted on the region\u2019s industrial prosperity and, in the narrow valley between Ambergate and Cromford, resulted in an intertwined system of road, railway, river and canal routes reflecting the engineering constraints imposed by topography. How these improved links helped to expand industries within the valley is neither clearly understood nor well documented, and would merit further study. Recent proposals for Midland Main Line electrification have highlighted the historic and architectural importance of the significant stretch of Stephenson-built Midland Railway that runs through the World Heritage Site, as well as the need for greater understanding not only of its impact upon continuing textile production but also of how the line was established and constructed.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n Adrian Farmer & Mary Smedley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/24\/2021\/12\/SO_8B_Fig-4.42_Ambergate-300x184.jpg\")
<\/p>\n
Fig.4.42 View northwards along the turnpike linking Belper with Matlock in a postcard of 1880, showing the Ambergate tollgate (right) at the junction between the turnpike and the road to Ripley (A610). The embankment of the railway from Derby to Matlock may be seen to the north of the tollgate (source: Adrian Farmer collection)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Palmer, M et al<\/i> 2012 Industrial Archaeology: A Handbook<\/i>. York: CBA, 233-66<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>: Trade and Communications in North Derbyshire and South Yorkshire<\/i>. Leicester: LUP<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Morris, C (ed) 1984 The Illustrated Journeys of Celia Fiennes, <\/i>c.1682\u20131712<\/i>. London: Macdonald, 96\u20137, 103; Hey, 1980, 31<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Sheppard R et al<\/i> 2006 \u2018Archaeological survey of historic road surfaces at Long Row and the Clusters, Belper\u2019. Nottingham: TPA (copy in Derbys HER) <\/i><\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Billson, P 1996 Derby and the Midland Railway. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books; <\/span>Craven, M 2007 An Illustrated History of Derby. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books<\/span>, <\/span>177\u201397<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>World Heritage Site News <\/span><\/i>14<\/span><\/b>, 2014, 5-12; <\/span>http:\/\/dvm.wpengine.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/ 12\/DVMWHS-Newsletter-2014-low-res.pdf<\/span><\/a><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Road<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Cotton mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport site<\/a>, <\/span>Spinning mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport<\/a>, <\/span>Road transport<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>8C: Assess the impact of industrialisation and paternalism upon the development of piped water, waste disposal and other public utilities <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6dcecbed9d<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.8 – What can studies of the low-carbon, water-powered factories of the Derwent Valley contribute to studies of environmental sustainability (through, for example, the expansion of hydro power at the location of historic mills)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The Industrial Revolution generated a string of new communities along the Derwent, from Cromford in the north to Belper, Milford and Darley Abbey in the lower reaches of the Valley. All were \u2018a deliberate creation\u2019,1<\/sup> begun in the later 18th century by mill owners such as Sir Richard Arkwright at Cromford and Jedediah Strutt at Belper, \u2019without assistance from the State or local authority and with no public services\u2019.<\/span>2<\/span><\/sup> The houses that were provided for mill workers and their families represented a significant improvement on rural cottages in terms of their design and sometimes their architectural pretensions.3<\/sup> In terms, however, of services such as piped water or effective sewage treatment, there was little to choose between the lives of residents in the new industrial settlements and those that endured the insanitary conditions of neighbouring villages4<\/sup> and the growing industrial towns.5<\/sup> In such circumstances, households were forced to rely for essential drinking water, cooking and washing services upon the streams that flowed into the Derwent, together with springs, standpipes and wells, with consequent risks to their general health and well-being. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nComparisons with the achievements of the mill owners\u2019 successors in other regions of the country are instructive and raise questions about their priorities and motivations, as does the chronology of utility provision, The Ashworths of Bolton, for example, provided water for their workers\u2019 houses in 1835, while the West Yorkshire model villages of Saltaire and Ackroyden followed suit in the 1850s and 1860s.6<\/sup> By contrast, water and sewage provision for the industrial communities of the Derwent Valley lagged behind, despite the advantages demonstrated elsewhere of ensuring a healthy workforce through hygienic sanitary arrangements. Belper, for instance, acquired piped water only in the 1890s,7<\/sup> while Cromford\u2019s sewage provision remained inadequate well into the following century, with nightsoil collection from properties with outside toilets continuing into the 1960s.8<\/sup> The installation of gas lighting was less protracted and was accomplished from a significantly earlier date. The Strutt family, for example, built a gas works at Milford Mills as early as 1822, enabling surplus gas to be utilised for lighting the streets,9<\/sup> and a similar exercise was repeated in Belper.10<\/sup> Street lighting may have had a philanthropic impetus, but its early introduction, well in advance of water and sewage provision, might have been a more pragmatic decision aimed at ensuring efficient use of surplus production. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nReal improvements came only with the development of efficient local government, backed by empowering legislation, during the late 19th and 20th centuries, raising further interesting questions about the mill owners\u2019 motivations. In this context, it would be useful to establish how far the activities of the factory owners extended into the public realm and how they interacted with the owners of private utility companies and with local authority officers.<\/span><\/p>\nMark Suggitt<\/span><\/p>\n![\"\"](\"https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/24\/2021\/12\/SO_8C_Fig-4.43_Short_Row-200x300.jpg\")
<\/p>\n
Fig. 4.43 Short Row, Belper: one of 47 red-brick terrace houses with slate roofs, built by the Strutts for mill workers around 1788. The development comprised four separate rows of mainly one-up, one-down cottages, all originally lacking piped water and other basic utilities (photograph \u00a9 Mark Suggitt) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6cc2886f78<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.10 – How have transport and communications changes enabled new ways of living and working since 1850 and how have they impacted upon urban infrastructure (for example, by the gentrification of former industrial areas)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The Derwent Valley developed as an important transport artery during the Industrial Revolution, linking the industrial towns of the Midlands with Manchester and the north-west. This spurred a fundamental reorientation of established patterns of movement, immortalised in the writings of 17th and 18th century travellers such as Celia Fiennes and Daniel Defoe.1<\/sup> The new canals,2<\/sup> railways3<\/sup> and roads4<\/sup> of the 18th and 19th centuries mainly utilised the valley floor, overlying a hill-based network of principally east-west packhorse tracks and roads for wheeled vehicles.5<\/sup> The Derwent\u2019s role as a transport corridor developed in a relatively piecemeal and halting fashion, with the aim of facilitating the export of local lead, textiles, timber, stone and other products and the import of raw materials, particularly for the manufacture of cotton goods. These developments also made the area more accessible for travellers, stimulating a nascent tourist industry. Key events in the development of a more integrated transport network include the building of the Cromford Canal, opened in 1792-3,6<\/sup> and, in the 19th century, the construction of the Cromford to Belper Turnpike, Cromford and High Peak Railway and Manchester, Buxton, Matlock and Midland Junction Railway.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nStudies of transport developments and their wider impacts should consider a broad range of issues, including the constraints of geology and topography, competition between transport companies and the ambitions of land and mill owners. From the landscape perspective, it would be interesting to investigate how the hill-based road network had to be modified to meet the needs of valley industry. From the economic viewpoint, it would be useful to establish <\/span>the impact of transport costs upon industrial viability by comparison with other regions, the relationships between the commercial activities of industrialists and their investments in transport infrastructure, and <\/span>how<\/span> the developing infrastructure met the needs of industrialists. There is also a need to investigate <\/span>the impacts of changing communications patterns and technologies upon established settlements with respect to their commercial and industrial viability, migration, mobility, accessibility and the development of tourism. Finally, it would be interesting to establish <\/span>the extent to which transport improvements <\/span>embedded communities within wider regional and national networks. In this last respect, factors spurring the growth of communication networks, including finance, entrepreneurial activity, technology, infrastructure, traffic and trade, are crucial to the forging of regional and national economies, social networks and community identities from the 18th century into the modern era.8<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nGeorge Revill and Trevor Griffin<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Fig.4.41 Field survey and documentary research by members of the Butterley Gangroad Project9<\/sup> has shed important light upon the development of this early railway, built in the 1790s as a feeder line between limestone quarries at Crich and the Cromford Canal and closed in 1933. This 1930s postcard shows the mid-19th century Fritchley embankment (reproduced by courtesy of Derbys Archaeological Society<\/span><\/i>)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>. Leicester: LUP, 12\u201314<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Hadfield, C 1970 The Canals of the East Midlands. <\/i>Newton Abbot: David & Charles<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Williams, F S 1877 The Midland Railway: Its Rise and Progress<\/i>. Derby: Bemrose<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Pawelski, M 2015 \u2018Turnpikes and local industry: A study of the relationship between the lead industry and the turnpike system in 18th century Derbyshire\u2019 <\/span>in <\/span><\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution. <\/i>Cromford: Arkwright Society, <\/span>55\u201371; <\/span>Radley, J and Penny, S R 1972 \u2018The turnpike roads of the Peak District\u2019. DAJ <\/i>92<\/b>, 93\u2013109<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Dodd, A E and Dodd, E M 2000 Peakland Roads and Trackways<\/i>, 3 edn. Ashbourne: Landmark<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>Cooper, B 1991 Transformation of a Valley<\/i>. Cromford: Scarthin Books, 162\u2013221<\/span><\/p>\n8 <\/span><\/sup>Laugero, G 1996 \u2018Infrastructures of Enlightenment: Road-making, the public sphere, and the emergence of literature\u2019. Eighteenth Century Studies <\/i>29<\/b>, 45\u201367; Revill, G 2007 \u2018William Jessop and the River Trent: Mobility, engineering and the landscape of eighteenth century improvement\u2019. Transactions Institute of British Geographers<\/i> 32<\/b>, 201\u201316<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n9 <\/span><\/sup>Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2014 \u2018The Butterley Gangroad\u2019. DAJ<\/i> 134<\/b>, 221\u201352; Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2015 The Butterley Gangroad (or Crich Rail-way)<\/i>. Derby: DAS<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Canal<\/a>, <\/span>Railway<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>8B: Establish the impact of the development of roads and railways upon the continuing development of cotton spinning <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6db141619c<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.10 – How have transport and communications changes enabled new ways of living and working since 1850 and how have they impacted upon urban infrastructure (for example, by the gentrification of former industrial areas)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Travel in the 18th century was challenging, especially when moving heavy goods such as stone, ore, coal and cotton.1<\/sup> The early mills were established close to river bridges, with water available for power, and packhorse routes already established.2<\/sup> For mass production to thrive in the Derwent Valley, as it developed into an industrial hub, the need for better transport links became a necessity. Rare contemporary accounts of travel through post-medieval Derbyshire emphasise the difficulties of road travel, which was time-consuming and often arduous. As noted by Celia Fiennes, for example, recounting the events of her Derbyshire tour of 1697: \u2018All Derbyshire is full of steep hills\u2026which makes travelling tedious, and the miles long\u2019.3<\/sup> The development of the factory system, which began with Derby\u2019s Silk Mill and was expanded and refined by Sir Richard Arkwright and Jedediah Strutt at Cromford and Belper, spurred the development of better transport links. The opening in 1792-3 of the Cromford Canal,4<\/sup> linking the Erewash Canal at Langley Mill to Cromford, began these improvements, but this was by no means sufficient. Better roads were needed, linking key industrial sites with the improving national network. From this perspective, the building with cotton-spinning profits of a turnpike running parallel to the River Derwent represented a crucial development for future economic growth in the Valley. The supporting infrastructure for this road, built after an Act of Parliament was passed in 1817, is not fully understood, and would merit further study.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nEarly examples of road-building survive within the Derwent Valley and, whilst some survey and excavation work has been conducted,5<\/sup> a greater understanding of how and why they were constructed is needed. Due in large part to Derby\u2019s central position within England, the coming of passenger-carrying railways from 1839 increased the town\u2019s population dramatically and brought greater prosperity and opportunity for industrial expansion as a central hub for the national network.6<\/sup> The establishment of high-quality road and rail links greatly impacted on the region\u2019s industrial prosperity and, in the narrow valley between Ambergate and Cromford, resulted in an intertwined system of road, railway, river and canal routes reflecting the engineering constraints imposed by topography. How these improved links helped to expand industries within the valley is neither clearly understood nor well documented, and would merit further study. Recent proposals for Midland Main Line electrification have highlighted the historic and architectural importance of the significant stretch of Stephenson-built Midland Railway that runs through the World Heritage Site, as well as the need for greater understanding not only of its impact upon continuing textile production but also of how the line was established and constructed.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n Adrian Farmer & Mary Smedley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig.4.42 View northwards along the turnpike linking Belper with Matlock in a postcard of 1880, showing the Ambergate tollgate (right) at the junction between the turnpike and the road to Ripley (A610). The embankment of the railway from Derby to Matlock may be seen to the north of the tollgate (source: Adrian Farmer collection)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Palmer, M et al<\/i> 2012 Industrial Archaeology: A Handbook<\/i>. York: CBA, 233-66<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>: Trade and Communications in North Derbyshire and South Yorkshire<\/i>. Leicester: LUP<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Morris, C (ed) 1984 The Illustrated Journeys of Celia Fiennes, <\/i>c.1682\u20131712<\/i>. London: Macdonald, 96\u20137, 103; Hey, 1980, 31<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Sheppard R et al<\/i> 2006 \u2018Archaeological survey of historic road surfaces at Long Row and the Clusters, Belper\u2019. Nottingham: TPA (copy in Derbys HER) <\/i><\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Billson, P 1996 Derby and the Midland Railway. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books; <\/span>Craven, M 2007 An Illustrated History of Derby. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books<\/span>, <\/span>177\u201397<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>World Heritage Site News <\/span><\/i>14<\/span><\/b>, 2014, 5-12; <\/span>http:\/\/dvm.wpengine.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/ 12\/DVMWHS-Newsletter-2014-low-res.pdf<\/span><\/a><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Road<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Cotton mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport site<\/a>, <\/span>Spinning mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport<\/a>, <\/span>Road transport<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>8C: Assess the impact of industrialisation and paternalism upon the development of piped water, waste disposal and other public utilities <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6dcecbed9d<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.8 – What can studies of the low-carbon, water-powered factories of the Derwent Valley contribute to studies of environmental sustainability (through, for example, the expansion of hydro power at the location of historic mills)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The Industrial Revolution generated a string of new communities along the Derwent, from Cromford in the north to Belper, Milford and Darley Abbey in the lower reaches of the Valley. All were \u2018a deliberate creation\u2019,1<\/sup> begun in the later 18th century by mill owners such as Sir Richard Arkwright at Cromford and Jedediah Strutt at Belper, \u2019without assistance from the State or local authority and with no public services\u2019.<\/span>2<\/span><\/sup> The houses that were provided for mill workers and their families represented a significant improvement on rural cottages in terms of their design and sometimes their architectural pretensions.3<\/sup> In terms, however, of services such as piped water or effective sewage treatment, there was little to choose between the lives of residents in the new industrial settlements and those that endured the insanitary conditions of neighbouring villages4<\/sup> and the growing industrial towns.5<\/sup> In such circumstances, households were forced to rely for essential drinking water, cooking and washing services upon the streams that flowed into the Derwent, together with springs, standpipes and wells, with consequent risks to their general health and well-being. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nComparisons with the achievements of the mill owners\u2019 successors in other regions of the country are instructive and raise questions about their priorities and motivations, as does the chronology of utility provision, The Ashworths of Bolton, for example, provided water for their workers\u2019 houses in 1835, while the West Yorkshire model villages of Saltaire and Ackroyden followed suit in the 1850s and 1860s.6<\/sup> By contrast, water and sewage provision for the industrial communities of the Derwent Valley lagged behind, despite the advantages demonstrated elsewhere of ensuring a healthy workforce through hygienic sanitary arrangements. Belper, for instance, acquired piped water only in the 1890s,7<\/sup> while Cromford\u2019s sewage provision remained inadequate well into the following century, with nightsoil collection from properties with outside toilets continuing into the 1960s.8<\/sup> The installation of gas lighting was less protracted and was accomplished from a significantly earlier date. The Strutt family, for example, built a gas works at Milford Mills as early as 1822, enabling surplus gas to be utilised for lighting the streets,9<\/sup> and a similar exercise was repeated in Belper.10<\/sup> Street lighting may have had a philanthropic impetus, but its early introduction, well in advance of water and sewage provision, might have been a more pragmatic decision aimed at ensuring efficient use of surplus production. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nReal improvements came only with the development of efficient local government, backed by empowering legislation, during the late 19th and 20th centuries, raising further interesting questions about the mill owners\u2019 motivations. In this context, it would be useful to establish how far the activities of the factory owners extended into the public realm and how they interacted with the owners of private utility companies and with local authority officers.<\/span><\/p>\nMark Suggitt<\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig. 4.43 Short Row, Belper: one of 47 red-brick terrace houses with slate roofs, built by the Strutts for mill workers around 1788. The development comprised four separate rows of mainly one-up, one-down cottages, all originally lacking piped water and other basic utilities (photograph \u00a9 Mark Suggitt) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6cc2886f78<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.10 – How have transport and communications changes enabled new ways of living and working since 1850 and how have they impacted upon urban infrastructure (for example, by the gentrification of former industrial areas)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The Derwent Valley developed as an important transport artery during the Industrial Revolution, linking the industrial towns of the Midlands with Manchester and the north-west. This spurred a fundamental reorientation of established patterns of movement, immortalised in the writings of 17th and 18th century travellers such as Celia Fiennes and Daniel Defoe.1<\/sup> The new canals,2<\/sup> railways3<\/sup> and roads4<\/sup> of the 18th and 19th centuries mainly utilised the valley floor, overlying a hill-based network of principally east-west packhorse tracks and roads for wheeled vehicles.5<\/sup> The Derwent\u2019s role as a transport corridor developed in a relatively piecemeal and halting fashion, with the aim of facilitating the export of local lead, textiles, timber, stone and other products and the import of raw materials, particularly for the manufacture of cotton goods. These developments also made the area more accessible for travellers, stimulating a nascent tourist industry. Key events in the development of a more integrated transport network include the building of the Cromford Canal, opened in 1792-3,6<\/sup> and, in the 19th century, the construction of the Cromford to Belper Turnpike, Cromford and High Peak Railway and Manchester, Buxton, Matlock and Midland Junction Railway.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nStudies of transport developments and their wider impacts should consider a broad range of issues, including the constraints of geology and topography, competition between transport companies and the ambitions of land and mill owners. From the landscape perspective, it would be interesting to investigate how the hill-based road network had to be modified to meet the needs of valley industry. From the economic viewpoint, it would be useful to establish <\/span>the impact of transport costs upon industrial viability by comparison with other regions, the relationships between the commercial activities of industrialists and their investments in transport infrastructure, and <\/span>how<\/span> the developing infrastructure met the needs of industrialists. There is also a need to investigate <\/span>the impacts of changing communications patterns and technologies upon established settlements with respect to their commercial and industrial viability, migration, mobility, accessibility and the development of tourism. Finally, it would be interesting to establish <\/span>the extent to which transport improvements <\/span>embedded communities within wider regional and national networks. In this last respect, factors spurring the growth of communication networks, including finance, entrepreneurial activity, technology, infrastructure, traffic and trade, are crucial to the forging of regional and national economies, social networks and community identities from the 18th century into the modern era.8<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nGeorge Revill and Trevor Griffin<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Fig.4.41 Field survey and documentary research by members of the Butterley Gangroad Project9<\/sup> has shed important light upon the development of this early railway, built in the 1790s as a feeder line between limestone quarries at Crich and the Cromford Canal and closed in 1933. This 1930s postcard shows the mid-19th century Fritchley embankment (reproduced by courtesy of Derbys Archaeological Society<\/span><\/i>)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>. Leicester: LUP, 12\u201314<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Hadfield, C 1970 The Canals of the East Midlands. <\/i>Newton Abbot: David & Charles<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Williams, F S 1877 The Midland Railway: Its Rise and Progress<\/i>. Derby: Bemrose<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Pawelski, M 2015 \u2018Turnpikes and local industry: A study of the relationship between the lead industry and the turnpike system in 18th century Derbyshire\u2019 <\/span>in <\/span><\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution. <\/i>Cromford: Arkwright Society, <\/span>55\u201371; <\/span>Radley, J and Penny, S R 1972 \u2018The turnpike roads of the Peak District\u2019. DAJ <\/i>92<\/b>, 93\u2013109<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Dodd, A E and Dodd, E M 2000 Peakland Roads and Trackways<\/i>, 3 edn. Ashbourne: Landmark<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>Cooper, B 1991 Transformation of a Valley<\/i>. Cromford: Scarthin Books, 162\u2013221<\/span><\/p>\n8 <\/span><\/sup>Laugero, G 1996 \u2018Infrastructures of Enlightenment: Road-making, the public sphere, and the emergence of literature\u2019. Eighteenth Century Studies <\/i>29<\/b>, 45\u201367; Revill, G 2007 \u2018William Jessop and the River Trent: Mobility, engineering and the landscape of eighteenth century improvement\u2019. Transactions Institute of British Geographers<\/i> 32<\/b>, 201\u201316<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n9 <\/span><\/sup>Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2014 \u2018The Butterley Gangroad\u2019. DAJ<\/i> 134<\/b>, 221\u201352; Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2015 The Butterley Gangroad (or Crich Rail-way)<\/i>. Derby: DAS<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Canal<\/a>, <\/span>Railway<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>8B: Establish the impact of the development of roads and railways upon the continuing development of cotton spinning <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6db141619c<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.10 – How have transport and communications changes enabled new ways of living and working since 1850 and how have they impacted upon urban infrastructure (for example, by the gentrification of former industrial areas)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Travel in the 18th century was challenging, especially when moving heavy goods such as stone, ore, coal and cotton.1<\/sup> The early mills were established close to river bridges, with water available for power, and packhorse routes already established.2<\/sup> For mass production to thrive in the Derwent Valley, as it developed into an industrial hub, the need for better transport links became a necessity. Rare contemporary accounts of travel through post-medieval Derbyshire emphasise the difficulties of road travel, which was time-consuming and often arduous. As noted by Celia Fiennes, for example, recounting the events of her Derbyshire tour of 1697: \u2018All Derbyshire is full of steep hills\u2026which makes travelling tedious, and the miles long\u2019.3<\/sup> The development of the factory system, which began with Derby\u2019s Silk Mill and was expanded and refined by Sir Richard Arkwright and Jedediah Strutt at Cromford and Belper, spurred the development of better transport links. The opening in 1792-3 of the Cromford Canal,4<\/sup> linking the Erewash Canal at Langley Mill to Cromford, began these improvements, but this was by no means sufficient. Better roads were needed, linking key industrial sites with the improving national network. From this perspective, the building with cotton-spinning profits of a turnpike running parallel to the River Derwent represented a crucial development for future economic growth in the Valley. The supporting infrastructure for this road, built after an Act of Parliament was passed in 1817, is not fully understood, and would merit further study.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nEarly examples of road-building survive within the Derwent Valley and, whilst some survey and excavation work has been conducted,5<\/sup> a greater understanding of how and why they were constructed is needed. Due in large part to Derby\u2019s central position within England, the coming of passenger-carrying railways from 1839 increased the town\u2019s population dramatically and brought greater prosperity and opportunity for industrial expansion as a central hub for the national network.6<\/sup> The establishment of high-quality road and rail links greatly impacted on the region\u2019s industrial prosperity and, in the narrow valley between Ambergate and Cromford, resulted in an intertwined system of road, railway, river and canal routes reflecting the engineering constraints imposed by topography. How these improved links helped to expand industries within the valley is neither clearly understood nor well documented, and would merit further study. Recent proposals for Midland Main Line electrification have highlighted the historic and architectural importance of the significant stretch of Stephenson-built Midland Railway that runs through the World Heritage Site, as well as the need for greater understanding not only of its impact upon continuing textile production but also of how the line was established and constructed.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n Adrian Farmer & Mary Smedley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig.4.42 View northwards along the turnpike linking Belper with Matlock in a postcard of 1880, showing the Ambergate tollgate (right) at the junction between the turnpike and the road to Ripley (A610). The embankment of the railway from Derby to Matlock may be seen to the north of the tollgate (source: Adrian Farmer collection)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Palmer, M et al<\/i> 2012 Industrial Archaeology: A Handbook<\/i>. York: CBA, 233-66<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>: Trade and Communications in North Derbyshire and South Yorkshire<\/i>. Leicester: LUP<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Morris, C (ed) 1984 The Illustrated Journeys of Celia Fiennes, <\/i>c.1682\u20131712<\/i>. London: Macdonald, 96\u20137, 103; Hey, 1980, 31<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Sheppard R et al<\/i> 2006 \u2018Archaeological survey of historic road surfaces at Long Row and the Clusters, Belper\u2019. Nottingham: TPA (copy in Derbys HER) <\/i><\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Billson, P 1996 Derby and the Midland Railway. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books; <\/span>Craven, M 2007 An Illustrated History of Derby. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books<\/span>, <\/span>177\u201397<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>World Heritage Site News <\/span><\/i>14<\/span><\/b>, 2014, 5-12; <\/span>http:\/\/dvm.wpengine.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/ 12\/DVMWHS-Newsletter-2014-low-res.pdf<\/span><\/a><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Road<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Cotton mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport site<\/a>, <\/span>Spinning mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport<\/a>, <\/span>Road transport<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>8C: Assess the impact of industrialisation and paternalism upon the development of piped water, waste disposal and other public utilities <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6dcecbed9d<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.8 – What can studies of the low-carbon, water-powered factories of the Derwent Valley contribute to studies of environmental sustainability (through, for example, the expansion of hydro power at the location of historic mills)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The Industrial Revolution generated a string of new communities along the Derwent, from Cromford in the north to Belper, Milford and Darley Abbey in the lower reaches of the Valley. All were \u2018a deliberate creation\u2019,1<\/sup> begun in the later 18th century by mill owners such as Sir Richard Arkwright at Cromford and Jedediah Strutt at Belper, \u2019without assistance from the State or local authority and with no public services\u2019.<\/span>2<\/span><\/sup> The houses that were provided for mill workers and their families represented a significant improvement on rural cottages in terms of their design and sometimes their architectural pretensions.3<\/sup> In terms, however, of services such as piped water or effective sewage treatment, there was little to choose between the lives of residents in the new industrial settlements and those that endured the insanitary conditions of neighbouring villages4<\/sup> and the growing industrial towns.5<\/sup> In such circumstances, households were forced to rely for essential drinking water, cooking and washing services upon the streams that flowed into the Derwent, together with springs, standpipes and wells, with consequent risks to their general health and well-being. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nComparisons with the achievements of the mill owners\u2019 successors in other regions of the country are instructive and raise questions about their priorities and motivations, as does the chronology of utility provision, The Ashworths of Bolton, for example, provided water for their workers\u2019 houses in 1835, while the West Yorkshire model villages of Saltaire and Ackroyden followed suit in the 1850s and 1860s.6<\/sup> By contrast, water and sewage provision for the industrial communities of the Derwent Valley lagged behind, despite the advantages demonstrated elsewhere of ensuring a healthy workforce through hygienic sanitary arrangements. Belper, for instance, acquired piped water only in the 1890s,7<\/sup> while Cromford\u2019s sewage provision remained inadequate well into the following century, with nightsoil collection from properties with outside toilets continuing into the 1960s.8<\/sup> The installation of gas lighting was less protracted and was accomplished from a significantly earlier date. The Strutt family, for example, built a gas works at Milford Mills as early as 1822, enabling surplus gas to be utilised for lighting the streets,9<\/sup> and a similar exercise was repeated in Belper.10<\/sup> Street lighting may have had a philanthropic impetus, but its early introduction, well in advance of water and sewage provision, might have been a more pragmatic decision aimed at ensuring efficient use of surplus production. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nReal improvements came only with the development of efficient local government, backed by empowering legislation, during the late 19th and 20th centuries, raising further interesting questions about the mill owners\u2019 motivations. In this context, it would be useful to establish how far the activities of the factory owners extended into the public realm and how they interacted with the owners of private utility companies and with local authority officers.<\/span><\/p>\nMark Suggitt<\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig. 4.43 Short Row, Belper: one of 47 red-brick terrace houses with slate roofs, built by the Strutts for mill workers around 1788. The development comprised four separate rows of mainly one-up, one-down cottages, all originally lacking piped water and other basic utilities (photograph \u00a9 Mark Suggitt) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
More information: <\/h5>The Derwent Valley developed as an important transport artery during the Industrial Revolution, linking the industrial towns of the Midlands with Manchester and the north-west. This spurred a fundamental reorientation of established patterns of movement, immortalised in the writings of 17th and 18th century travellers such as Celia Fiennes and Daniel Defoe.1<\/sup> The new canals,2<\/sup> railways3<\/sup> and roads4<\/sup> of the 18th and 19th centuries mainly utilised the valley floor, overlying a hill-based network of principally east-west packhorse tracks and roads for wheeled vehicles.5<\/sup> The Derwent\u2019s role as a transport corridor developed in a relatively piecemeal and halting fashion, with the aim of facilitating the export of local lead, textiles, timber, stone and other products and the import of raw materials, particularly for the manufacture of cotton goods. These developments also made the area more accessible for travellers, stimulating a nascent tourist industry. Key events in the development of a more integrated transport network include the building of the Cromford Canal, opened in 1792-3,6<\/sup> and, in the 19th century, the construction of the Cromford to Belper Turnpike, Cromford and High Peak Railway and Manchester, Buxton, Matlock and Midland Junction Railway.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nStudies of transport developments and their wider impacts should consider a broad range of issues, including the constraints of geology and topography, competition between transport companies and the ambitions of land and mill owners. From the landscape perspective, it would be interesting to investigate how the hill-based road network had to be modified to meet the needs of valley industry. From the economic viewpoint, it would be useful to establish <\/span>the impact of transport costs upon industrial viability by comparison with other regions, the relationships between the commercial activities of industrialists and their investments in transport infrastructure, and <\/span>how<\/span> the developing infrastructure met the needs of industrialists. There is also a need to investigate <\/span>the impacts of changing communications patterns and technologies upon established settlements with respect to their commercial and industrial viability, migration, mobility, accessibility and the development of tourism. Finally, it would be interesting to establish <\/span>the extent to which transport improvements <\/span>embedded communities within wider regional and national networks. In this last respect, factors spurring the growth of communication networks, including finance, entrepreneurial activity, technology, infrastructure, traffic and trade, are crucial to the forging of regional and national economies, social networks and community identities from the 18th century into the modern era.8<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\nGeorge Revill and Trevor Griffin<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Fig.4.41 Field survey and documentary research by members of the Butterley Gangroad Project9<\/sup> has shed important light upon the development of this early railway, built in the 1790s as a feeder line between limestone quarries at Crich and the Cromford Canal and closed in 1933. This 1930s postcard shows the mid-19th century Fritchley embankment (reproduced by courtesy of Derbys Archaeological Society<\/span><\/i>)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>. Leicester: LUP, 12\u201314<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Hadfield, C 1970 The Canals of the East Midlands. <\/i>Newton Abbot: David & Charles<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Williams, F S 1877 The Midland Railway: Its Rise and Progress<\/i>. Derby: Bemrose<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Pawelski, M 2015 \u2018Turnpikes and local industry: A study of the relationship between the lead industry and the turnpike system in 18th century Derbyshire\u2019 <\/span>in <\/span><\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution. <\/i>Cromford: Arkwright Society, <\/span>55\u201371; <\/span>Radley, J and Penny, S R 1972 \u2018The turnpike roads of the Peak District\u2019. DAJ <\/i>92<\/b>, 93\u2013109<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Dodd, A E and Dodd, E M 2000 Peakland Roads and Trackways<\/i>, 3 edn. Ashbourne: Landmark<\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>Cooper, B 1991 Transformation of a Valley<\/i>. Cromford: Scarthin Books, 162\u2013221<\/span><\/p>\n8 <\/span><\/sup>Laugero, G 1996 \u2018Infrastructures of Enlightenment: Road-making, the public sphere, and the emergence of literature\u2019. Eighteenth Century Studies <\/i>29<\/b>, 45\u201367; Revill, G 2007 \u2018William Jessop and the River Trent: Mobility, engineering and the landscape of eighteenth century improvement\u2019. Transactions Institute of British Geographers<\/i> 32<\/b>, 201\u201316<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n9 <\/span><\/sup>Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2014 \u2018The Butterley Gangroad\u2019. DAJ<\/i> 134<\/b>, 221\u201352; Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2015 The Butterley Gangroad (or Crich Rail-way)<\/i>. Derby: DAS<\/span><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Canal<\/a>, <\/span>Railway<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>8B: Establish the impact of the development of roads and railways upon the continuing development of cotton spinning <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6db141619c<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.10 – How have transport and communications changes enabled new ways of living and working since 1850 and how have they impacted upon urban infrastructure (for example, by the gentrification of former industrial areas)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>Travel in the 18th century was challenging, especially when moving heavy goods such as stone, ore, coal and cotton.1<\/sup> The early mills were established close to river bridges, with water available for power, and packhorse routes already established.2<\/sup> For mass production to thrive in the Derwent Valley, as it developed into an industrial hub, the need for better transport links became a necessity. Rare contemporary accounts of travel through post-medieval Derbyshire emphasise the difficulties of road travel, which was time-consuming and often arduous. As noted by Celia Fiennes, for example, recounting the events of her Derbyshire tour of 1697: \u2018All Derbyshire is full of steep hills\u2026which makes travelling tedious, and the miles long\u2019.3<\/sup> The development of the factory system, which began with Derby\u2019s Silk Mill and was expanded and refined by Sir Richard Arkwright and Jedediah Strutt at Cromford and Belper, spurred the development of better transport links. The opening in 1792-3 of the Cromford Canal,4<\/sup> linking the Erewash Canal at Langley Mill to Cromford, began these improvements, but this was by no means sufficient. Better roads were needed, linking key industrial sites with the improving national network. From this perspective, the building with cotton-spinning profits of a turnpike running parallel to the River Derwent represented a crucial development for future economic growth in the Valley. The supporting infrastructure for this road, built after an Act of Parliament was passed in 1817, is not fully understood, and would merit further study.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nEarly examples of road-building survive within the Derwent Valley and, whilst some survey and excavation work has been conducted,5<\/sup> a greater understanding of how and why they were constructed is needed. Due in large part to Derby\u2019s central position within England, the coming of passenger-carrying railways from 1839 increased the town\u2019s population dramatically and brought greater prosperity and opportunity for industrial expansion as a central hub for the national network.6<\/sup> The establishment of high-quality road and rail links greatly impacted on the region\u2019s industrial prosperity and, in the narrow valley between Ambergate and Cromford, resulted in an intertwined system of road, railway, river and canal routes reflecting the engineering constraints imposed by topography. How these improved links helped to expand industries within the valley is neither clearly understood nor well documented, and would merit further study. Recent proposals for Midland Main Line electrification have highlighted the historic and architectural importance of the significant stretch of Stephenson-built Midland Railway that runs through the World Heritage Site, as well as the need for greater understanding not only of its impact upon continuing textile production but also of how the line was established and constructed.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n Adrian Farmer & Mary Smedley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig.4.42 View northwards along the turnpike linking Belper with Matlock in a postcard of 1880, showing the Ambergate tollgate (right) at the junction between the turnpike and the road to Ripley (A610). The embankment of the railway from Derby to Matlock may be seen to the north of the tollgate (source: Adrian Farmer collection)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\nReferences<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n1 <\/span><\/sup>Palmer, M et al<\/i> 2012 Industrial Archaeology: A Handbook<\/i>. York: CBA, 233-66<\/span><\/p>\n2 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>: Trade and Communications in North Derbyshire and South Yorkshire<\/i>. Leicester: LUP<\/span><\/p>\n3 <\/span><\/sup>Morris, C (ed) 1984 The Illustrated Journeys of Celia Fiennes, <\/i>c.1682\u20131712<\/i>. London: Macdonald, 96\u20137, 103; Hey, 1980, 31<\/span><\/p>\n4 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n5 <\/span><\/sup>Sheppard R et al<\/i> 2006 \u2018Archaeological survey of historic road surfaces at Long Row and the Clusters, Belper\u2019. Nottingham: TPA (copy in Derbys HER) <\/i><\/span><\/p>\n6 <\/span><\/sup>Billson, P 1996 Derby and the Midland Railway. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books; <\/span>Craven, M 2007 An Illustrated History of Derby. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books<\/span>, <\/span>177\u201397<\/span><\/p>\n7 <\/span><\/sup>World Heritage Site News <\/span><\/i>14<\/span><\/b>, 2014, 5-12; <\/span>http:\/\/dvm.wpengine.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/ 12\/DVMWHS-Newsletter-2014-low-res.pdf<\/span><\/a><\/p><\/span>Status: <\/h5>Active <\/span>Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>Categories: <\/h5>Road<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Cotton mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport site<\/a>, <\/span>Spinning mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport<\/a>, <\/span>Road transport<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>8C: Assess the impact of industrialisation and paternalism upon the development of piped water, waste disposal and other public utilities <\/h3>More information on this strategy <\/summary>URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6dcecbed9d<\/a><\/span>Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.8 – What can studies of the low-carbon, water-powered factories of the Derwent Valley contribute to studies of environmental sustainability (through, for example, the expansion of hydro power at the location of historic mills)?<\/a>More information: <\/h5>The Industrial Revolution generated a string of new communities along the Derwent, from Cromford in the north to Belper, Milford and Darley Abbey in the lower reaches of the Valley. All were \u2018a deliberate creation\u2019,1<\/sup> begun in the later 18th century by mill owners such as Sir Richard Arkwright at Cromford and Jedediah Strutt at Belper, \u2019without assistance from the State or local authority and with no public services\u2019.<\/span>2<\/span><\/sup> The houses that were provided for mill workers and their families represented a significant improvement on rural cottages in terms of their design and sometimes their architectural pretensions.3<\/sup> In terms, however, of services such as piped water or effective sewage treatment, there was little to choose between the lives of residents in the new industrial settlements and those that endured the insanitary conditions of neighbouring villages4<\/sup> and the growing industrial towns.5<\/sup> In such circumstances, households were forced to rely for essential drinking water, cooking and washing services upon the streams that flowed into the Derwent, together with springs, standpipes and wells, with consequent risks to their general health and well-being. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nComparisons with the achievements of the mill owners\u2019 successors in other regions of the country are instructive and raise questions about their priorities and motivations, as does the chronology of utility provision, The Ashworths of Bolton, for example, provided water for their workers\u2019 houses in 1835, while the West Yorkshire model villages of Saltaire and Ackroyden followed suit in the 1850s and 1860s.6<\/sup> By contrast, water and sewage provision for the industrial communities of the Derwent Valley lagged behind, despite the advantages demonstrated elsewhere of ensuring a healthy workforce through hygienic sanitary arrangements. Belper, for instance, acquired piped water only in the 1890s,7<\/sup> while Cromford\u2019s sewage provision remained inadequate well into the following century, with nightsoil collection from properties with outside toilets continuing into the 1960s.8<\/sup> The installation of gas lighting was less protracted and was accomplished from a significantly earlier date. The Strutt family, for example, built a gas works at Milford Mills as early as 1822, enabling surplus gas to be utilised for lighting the streets,9<\/sup> and a similar exercise was repeated in Belper.10<\/sup> Street lighting may have had a philanthropic impetus, but its early introduction, well in advance of water and sewage provision, might have been a more pragmatic decision aimed at ensuring efficient use of surplus production. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\nReal improvements came only with the development of efficient local government, backed by empowering legislation, during the late 19th and 20th centuries, raising further interesting questions about the mill owners\u2019 motivations. In this context, it would be useful to establish how far the activities of the factory owners extended into the public realm and how they interacted with the owners of private utility companies and with local authority officers.<\/span><\/p>\nMark Suggitt<\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Fig. 4.43 Short Row, Belper: one of 47 red-brick terrace houses with slate roofs, built by the Strutts for mill workers around 1788. The development comprised four separate rows of mainly one-up, one-down cottages, all originally lacking piped water and other basic utilities (photograph \u00a9 Mark Suggitt) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
<\/span><\/p>\n Studies of transport developments and their wider impacts should consider a broad range of issues, including the constraints of geology and topography, competition between transport companies and the ambitions of land and mill owners. From the landscape perspective, it would be interesting to investigate how the hill-based road network had to be modified to meet the needs of valley industry. From the economic viewpoint, it would be useful to establish <\/span>the impact of transport costs upon industrial viability by comparison with other regions, the relationships between the commercial activities of industrialists and their investments in transport infrastructure, and <\/span>how<\/span> the developing infrastructure met the needs of industrialists. There is also a need to investigate <\/span>the impacts of changing communications patterns and technologies upon established settlements with respect to their commercial and industrial viability, migration, mobility, accessibility and the development of tourism. Finally, it would be interesting to establish <\/span>the extent to which transport improvements <\/span>embedded communities within wider regional and national networks. In this last respect, factors spurring the growth of communication networks, including finance, entrepreneurial activity, technology, infrastructure, traffic and trade, are crucial to the forging of regional and national economies, social networks and community identities from the 18th century into the modern era.8<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n George Revill and Trevor Griffin<\/p>\n Fig.4.41 Field survey and documentary research by members of the Butterley Gangroad Project9<\/sup> has shed important light upon the development of this early railway, built in the 1790s as a feeder line between limestone quarries at Crich and the Cromford Canal and closed in 1933. This 1930s postcard shows the mid-19th century Fritchley embankment (reproduced by courtesy of Derbys Archaeological Society<\/span><\/i>)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n References <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n 1 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>. Leicester: LUP, 12\u201314<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n 2 <\/span><\/sup>Hadfield, C 1970 The Canals of the East Midlands. <\/i>Newton Abbot: David & Charles<\/span><\/p>\n 3 <\/span><\/sup>Williams, F S 1877 The Midland Railway: Its Rise and Progress<\/i>. Derby: Bemrose<\/span><\/p>\n 4 <\/span><\/sup>Pawelski, M 2015 \u2018Turnpikes and local industry: A study of the relationship between the lead industry and the turnpike system in 18th century Derbyshire\u2019 <\/span>in <\/span><\/i>Wrigley, C (ed) The Industrial Revolution. <\/i>Cromford: Arkwright Society, <\/span>55\u201371; <\/span>Radley, J and Penny, S R 1972 \u2018The turnpike roads of the Peak District\u2019. DAJ <\/i>92<\/b>, 93\u2013109<\/span><\/p>\n 5 <\/span><\/sup>Dodd, A E and Dodd, E M 2000 Peakland Roads and Trackways<\/i>, 3 edn. Ashbourne: Landmark<\/span><\/p>\n 6 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n 7 <\/span><\/sup>Cooper, B 1991 Transformation of a Valley<\/i>. Cromford: Scarthin Books, 162\u2013221<\/span><\/p>\n 8 <\/span><\/sup>Laugero, G 1996 \u2018Infrastructures of Enlightenment: Road-making, the public sphere, and the emergence of literature\u2019. Eighteenth Century Studies <\/i>29<\/b>, 45\u201367; Revill, G 2007 \u2018William Jessop and the River Trent: Mobility, engineering and the landscape of eighteenth century improvement\u2019. Transactions Institute of British Geographers<\/i> 32<\/b>, 201\u201316<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n 9 <\/span><\/sup>Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2014 \u2018The Butterley Gangroad\u2019. DAJ<\/i> 134<\/b>, 221\u201352; Griffin, T et al<\/i> 2015 The Butterley Gangroad (or Crich Rail-way)<\/i>. Derby: DAS<\/span><\/p><\/span> Travel in the 18th century was challenging, especially when moving heavy goods such as stone, ore, coal and cotton.1<\/sup> The early mills were established close to river bridges, with water available for power, and packhorse routes already established.2<\/sup> For mass production to thrive in the Derwent Valley, as it developed into an industrial hub, the need for better transport links became a necessity. Rare contemporary accounts of travel through post-medieval Derbyshire emphasise the difficulties of road travel, which was time-consuming and often arduous. As noted by Celia Fiennes, for example, recounting the events of her Derbyshire tour of 1697: \u2018All Derbyshire is full of steep hills\u2026which makes travelling tedious, and the miles long\u2019.3<\/sup> The development of the factory system, which began with Derby\u2019s Silk Mill and was expanded and refined by Sir Richard Arkwright and Jedediah Strutt at Cromford and Belper, spurred the development of better transport links. The opening in 1792-3 of the Cromford Canal,4<\/sup> linking the Erewash Canal at Langley Mill to Cromford, began these improvements, but this was by no means sufficient. Better roads were needed, linking key industrial sites with the improving national network. From this perspective, the building with cotton-spinning profits of a turnpike running parallel to the River Derwent represented a crucial development for future economic growth in the Valley. The supporting infrastructure for this road, built after an Act of Parliament was passed in 1817, is not fully understood, and would merit further study.<\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\n Early examples of road-building survive within the Derwent Valley and, whilst some survey and excavation work has been conducted,5<\/sup> a greater understanding of how and why they were constructed is needed. Due in large part to Derby\u2019s central position within England, the coming of passenger-carrying railways from 1839 increased the town\u2019s population dramatically and brought greater prosperity and opportunity for industrial expansion as a central hub for the national network.6<\/sup> The establishment of high-quality road and rail links greatly impacted on the region\u2019s industrial prosperity and, in the narrow valley between Ambergate and Cromford, resulted in an intertwined system of road, railway, river and canal routes reflecting the engineering constraints imposed by topography. How these improved links helped to expand industries within the valley is neither clearly understood nor well documented, and would merit further study. Recent proposals for Midland Main Line electrification have highlighted the historic and architectural importance of the significant stretch of Stephenson-built Midland Railway that runs through the World Heritage Site, as well as the need for greater understanding not only of its impact upon continuing textile production but also of how the line was established and constructed.7<\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n Adrian Farmer & Mary Smedley<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n Fig.4.42 View northwards along the turnpike linking Belper with Matlock in a postcard of 1880, showing the Ambergate tollgate (right) at the junction between the turnpike and the road to Ripley (A610). The embankment of the railway from Derby to Matlock may be seen to the north of the tollgate (source: Adrian Farmer collection)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n References<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n 1 <\/span><\/sup>Palmer, M et al<\/i> 2012 Industrial Archaeology: A Handbook<\/i>. York: CBA, 233-66<\/span><\/p>\n 2 <\/span><\/sup>Hey, D 1980 Packmen, Carriers and Packhorse Roads<\/i>: Trade and Communications in North Derbyshire and South Yorkshire<\/i>. Leicester: LUP<\/span><\/p>\n 3 <\/span><\/sup>Morris, C (ed) 1984 The Illustrated Journeys of Celia Fiennes, <\/i>c.1682\u20131712<\/i>. London: Macdonald, 96\u20137, 103; Hey, 1980, 31<\/span><\/p>\n 4 <\/span><\/sup>Potter, H and Riden, P (eds) 2015 Minutes of the Meetings of the Cromford Canal Company, 1789\u20131799<\/i>. Chesterfield: Derbyshire Record Society, ix\u2013xxxii<\/span><\/p>\n 5 <\/span><\/sup>Sheppard R et al<\/i> 2006 \u2018Archaeological survey of historic road surfaces at Long Row and the Clusters, Belper\u2019. Nottingham: TPA (copy in Derbys HER) <\/i><\/span><\/p>\n 6 <\/span><\/sup>Billson, P 1996 Derby and the Midland Railway. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books; <\/span>Craven, M 2007 An Illustrated History of Derby. <\/i>Derby: Breedon Books<\/span>, <\/span>177\u201397<\/span><\/p>\n 7 <\/span><\/sup>World Heritage Site News <\/span><\/i>14<\/span><\/b>, 2014, 5-12; <\/span>http:\/\/dvm.wpengine.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/ 12\/DVMWHS-Newsletter-2014-low-res.pdf<\/span><\/a><\/p><\/span> The Industrial Revolution generated a string of new communities along the Derwent, from Cromford in the north to Belper, Milford and Darley Abbey in the lower reaches of the Valley. All were \u2018a deliberate creation\u2019,1<\/sup> begun in the later 18th century by mill owners such as Sir Richard Arkwright at Cromford and Jedediah Strutt at Belper, \u2019without assistance from the State or local authority and with no public services\u2019.<\/span>2<\/span><\/sup> The houses that were provided for mill workers and their families represented a significant improvement on rural cottages in terms of their design and sometimes their architectural pretensions.3<\/sup> In terms, however, of services such as piped water or effective sewage treatment, there was little to choose between the lives of residents in the new industrial settlements and those that endured the insanitary conditions of neighbouring villages4<\/sup> and the growing industrial towns.5<\/sup> In such circumstances, households were forced to rely for essential drinking water, cooking and washing services upon the streams that flowed into the Derwent, together with springs, standpipes and wells, with consequent risks to their general health and well-being. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\n Comparisons with the achievements of the mill owners\u2019 successors in other regions of the country are instructive and raise questions about their priorities and motivations, as does the chronology of utility provision, The Ashworths of Bolton, for example, provided water for their workers\u2019 houses in 1835, while the West Yorkshire model villages of Saltaire and Ackroyden followed suit in the 1850s and 1860s.6<\/sup> By contrast, water and sewage provision for the industrial communities of the Derwent Valley lagged behind, despite the advantages demonstrated elsewhere of ensuring a healthy workforce through hygienic sanitary arrangements. Belper, for instance, acquired piped water only in the 1890s,7<\/sup> while Cromford\u2019s sewage provision remained inadequate well into the following century, with nightsoil collection from properties with outside toilets continuing into the 1960s.8<\/sup> The installation of gas lighting was less protracted and was accomplished from a significantly earlier date. The Strutt family, for example, built a gas works at Milford Mills as early as 1822, enabling surplus gas to be utilised for lighting the streets,9<\/sup> and a similar exercise was repeated in Belper.10<\/sup> Street lighting may have had a philanthropic impetus, but its early introduction, well in advance of water and sewage provision, might have been a more pragmatic decision aimed at ensuring efficient use of surplus production. <\/span><\/p>\n <\/span><\/p>\n Real improvements came only with the development of efficient local government, backed by empowering legislation, during the late 19th and 20th centuries, raising further interesting questions about the mill owners\u2019 motivations. In this context, it would be useful to establish how far the activities of the factory owners extended into the public realm and how they interacted with the owners of private utility companies and with local authority officers.<\/span><\/p>\n Mark Suggitt<\/span><\/p>\n Fig. 4.43 Short Row, Belper: one of 47 red-brick terrace houses with slate roofs, built by the Strutts for mill workers around 1788. The development comprised four separate rows of mainly one-up, one-down cottages, all originally lacking piped water and other basic utilities (photograph \u00a9 Mark Suggitt) <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n<\/p>\nStatus: <\/h5>Active <\/span>
Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>
Categories: <\/h5>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Canal<\/a>, <\/span>Railway<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>
8B: Establish the impact of the development of roads and railways upon the continuing development of cotton spinning <\/h3>
More information on this strategy <\/summary>
URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6db141619c<\/a><\/span>
Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.10 – How have transport and communications changes enabled new ways of living and working since 1850 and how have they impacted upon urban infrastructure (for example, by the gentrification of former industrial areas)?<\/a>
More information: <\/h5>
<\/p>\nStatus: <\/h5>Active <\/span>
Found in the following Frameworks: <\/h5>Derwent Valley Mills World Heritage Site<\/a> <\/span>
Categories: <\/h5>Road<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Transport<\/a>, <\/span>Cotton mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport site<\/a>, <\/span>Spinning mill<\/a>, <\/span>Railway transport<\/a>, <\/span>Road transport<\/a>, <\/span>Derbyshire<\/a>, <\/span>World heritage site<\/a> <\/span><\/div><\/details><\/div><\/div>
8C: Assess the impact of industrialisation and paternalism upon the development of piped water, waste disposal and other public utilities <\/h3>
More information on this strategy <\/summary>
URI: <\/h5>https:\/\/researchframeworks.org\/dvmwhs\/researchframework\/v1\/strategy\/strategy-61d6dcecbed9d<\/a><\/span>
Linked Question(s): <\/h5>8.8 – What can studies of the low-carbon, water-powered factories of the Derwent Valley contribute to studies of environmental sustainability (through, for example, the expansion of hydro power at the location of historic mills)?<\/a>
More information: <\/h5>
<\/p>\n